RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE, CZECH REPUBLIC
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RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 146, Part II, 9 August 2007
TALKS OF PARTITION 'COULD' END KOSOVA TALKS... Kosova's prime minister,
Agim Ceku, warned on August 8 that Kosovar Albanian leaders could abandon
upcoming negotiations on the future of the UN-administered regions if the
possibility of partitioning the region is raised, the news agency KosovaLive
reported. Both Prishtina and Belgrade have ruled out partition as a solution to
the impasse about Kosova's status, but the concentration of Kosovar Serbs in the
north of the nominally Serbian province has prompted speculation that Kosovar
leaders might be willing to sacrifice land for independence or that Serbian
leaders might accept partition. However, Skender Hyseni, a spokesman for the
Kosovar Albanian negotiating team, on August 7 told AFP that "we believe it
is extremely dangerous if you touch any borders.... If you do that you set a
very dangerous precedent that will trigger changes of borders elsewhere in the
Balkans, and that is a very dangerous game with far-reaching consequences."
Opposition to the notion of partition was also expressed on August 6 by the
deputy leader of Kosova's second-largest party, the Democratic Party of Kosova (PDK),
Fatmir Limaj, who said, according to Kosovar broadcasters, that discussion about
"separation or the creation of new artificial creatures is harmful and all
those who try to do so should consider the region's map." A new phase of
talks is due to begin on August 9, when the talks' mediators -- diplomats from
the EU, Russia, and the United States -- will meet in London. Expectations of
success are low, though one member of Serbia's negotiating team, Slobodan
Samardzic, said on August 3 that Belgrade is now willing to consider greater
compromises than it has envisaged in the past (see "RFE/RL Newsline,"
August 6, 2007). However, Belgrade continues to rule out independence for Kosova,
while Kosovar leaders rule out anything but independence. One of Prishtina's
five negotiators, Veton Surroi, told the Kosovar daily "Express" on
August 8 that "no room remains for compromise." AG
...WHILE PRESEVO ALBANIANS WANT MERGER WITH KOSOVA DISCUSSED... An
ethnic-Albanian party in the southern Serbian region of Presevo on August 6
urged others in the Albanian community to join forces to convince the
international community to consider the possibility of the Presevo Valley
becoming part of Kosova, the Kosovar Albanian news service Kosovapress reported.
The National Democratic Party (PDK) said the refusal to consider the status of
the Presevo Valley is turning the area -- which it referred to as "Eastern
Kosova" -- into a "crisis hotspot." The PDK also indicated that,
if the international community fails to grant Kosova independence, it "will
support the initiative for the declaration of the autonomy of eastern Kosova in
accordance with the will of the people expressed in the referendum of March 1
and 2, 1992." The chief architect of that referendum, which was not
recognized by Belgrade, Riza Halimi, has since entered the Serbian parliament
and rejects secessionist efforts, but his influence has waned in recent years (see
"RFE/RL Newsline," March 15, April 24, and June 8, 2007). A number of
commentaries published in recent days in Serbian papers have suggested that a
clash with an unknown armed group in the Presevo Valley on August 4 was designed
to send a signal of support to Kosovar Albanians and of intimidation to Serbs (see
"RFE/RL Newsline," August 7, 2007). AG
...AMID FURTHER VIOLENCE IN PRESEVO VALLEY. Three ethnic Albanians were
killed on August 7 in two separate incidents in the Presevo Valley, Serbia's
Interior Ministry announced on August 8, local media reported. Two of the
victims were killed late in the day in the town of Presevo. "We believe
that the suspect has already fled to Kosovo, but the reasons for the killings
are not political but related with unresolved personal affairs," a police
official in Presevo was quoted by the news service Balkan Insight as saying. The
news agency FoNet reported on August 7 that the victims, two brothers, were
attacked by three gunmen. Earlier in the day, another man was killed in an
exchange of gunfire in a neighboring town, Bujanovac. "This killing also
has nothing to do with politics," Balkan Insight quoted a police official
as saying. The police have arrested one man. FoNet reported that the suspect and
victim were business partners. AG
KOSOVAR SERBS SPLIT ON BOYCOTT OF ELECTIONS. The Kosovar Serbs' political
leaders once again appear divided about whether to participate in elections
scheduled for November, according to Kosovar and Serbian media. A moderate
leader, Oliver Ivanovic, told the Kosovar Albanian newspaper "Express"
on August 5 that "we should take part in this year's elections because the
boycott of 2004 did us no good. Such a move only isolates us." However, the
Serbian daily "Politika" on August 4 quoted the leader of more
hard-line members of the community, Milan Ivanovic, as saying that "Serbs
have already given the [Kosovar] Albanian assembly legitimacy in two terms of
office. Such a mistake must not be repeated again this time." Oliver
Ivanovic predicted that "the level of Serbian participation will greatly
depend on messages sent by Belgrade." So far, though, Serbia's governing
coalition appears divided. "Politika" on August 4 quoted Dusan
Prorokovic, an official in Serbia's ministry for Kosovar affairs and a member of
the Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS), as saying a decision to participate is
more a question for Kosovar Serb parties than for Belgrade. However, Jelena
Markovic, a spokeswoman for the Democrats, the coalition's largest party, told
"Politika" that a decision should be made within the broader context
of Kosova's status talks and should be made by Serbia's president, government,
and negotiating team. Fewer than 1 percent of the ethnic-Serbian electorate
voted in the last elections, in October 2004, despite calls by Serbia's
president and senior ministers to participate. The local and parliamentary
elections were originally due to be held in November 2006 but they were
postponed amid concern that they could disrupt negotiations about Kosova's final
status. Joachim Ruecker, who oversees the region on behalf of the UN, has made
the elections subject to a review of their possible impact on security and the
continuing status talks (see "RFE/RL Newsline," July 30, 2007). Oliver
Ivanovic argued that the elections should be held. "The status talks will
go on for years," he predicted, "so I do no see that they will
interfere with regular elections." AG
OSCE CRITICIZES KOSOVAR DAILY. The Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) on August 7 issued a damning condemnation of a
Kosovar Albanian newspaper, "Infopress," for a series of articles in
which the paper named Kosovar Serbs allegedly involved in war crimes during the
separatist conflict in 1998-99. In articles published in March and May, the
paper published lists of ethnic Serbs purportedly guilty of crimes in the town
of Gracanica, "Serbian massacres in the Mitrovica region," and "the
organization of Serbian forces" in Istok. "These lists have caused
significant concern among the minority population and within the Press Council
of Kosovo, which paid a visit to the media outlet to draw its attention to the
potentially dangerous consequences such irresponsible reporting might
have," the OSCE said. Despite the warnings, the paper published further
lists of Serbs in late July and early August. "Infopress" reportedly
defended the articles as "an attempt to support the judiciary," a
justification dismissed by the OSCE. A survey conducted in June by a local
polling agency, GIMEK, found that "Infopress" was the
fifth-most-popular daily, with 5.6 percent of the population saying it was their
paper of choice. The most popular was "Koha ditore" (21.6 percent),
followed by "Kosova sot" (12.2 percent), "Zeri" (8.1
percent), and "Bota sot" (6.3 percent). AG
RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE, CZECH REPUBLIC
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RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 145, Part II, 8 August 2007
ALBANIA REOPENS PROBE INTO 1997 KILLINGS. Albanian police have arrested three men in connection with the killing of six National Guardsmen in the town of Cerrik in May 1997, the daily "Albania" reported on August 5. The arrests follow the reported emergence of new evidence over the past six months. Six members of the elite force were killed and another dozen injured when Sali Berisha, the country's president at the time and currently its prime minister, dispatched special forces to search for arms in central Cerrik as part of a broader effort to end months of anarchy. Prosecutors have reportedly also announced plans to reopen investigations into violence in a range of other cities in 1997. "It is never too late to see that justice is done," Majlinda Bregu, a government spokeswoman, told reporters. The unrest in 1997 was prompted by the collapse of a series of financial pyramid schemes in which a vast number of Albanians had invested. During the resulting breakdown in law and order, bandits roamed the countryside, ordinary Albanians stormed arms depots, and armed gangs seized a number of cities. In response, Berisha imposed a state of emergency and the United Nations sent in troops to help direct relief efforts and support police efforts. Berisha was voted of power in elections that summer. AG
07/08/2007
- 07:07
Gilmana Bushati
Dashamir Shehi filloi dje zyrtarisht fushatėn e tij elektorale pėr zonėn
zgjedhore numėr 31 kėtu nė Tiranė. Edhe pse ėshtė kryetar i Lėvizjes
pėr Zhvillim Kombėtar, ai takoi dje simpatizantė edhe tė Partisė
Demokratike, e cila ka njė pėrkrahje tė madhe nė kėtė zonė, e cila qė
prej dy legjislaturash ka votuar pėr Bamir Topin si deputet. Shehi bėri tė
ditur se fushata elektorale ka filluar prej kohėsh, u takova me
simpatizantėt e mi nė kėtė zonė. Ai shprehet se pavarėsisht
vendimit qė do tė marrė kryetari i PD-sė, Berisha, lidhur me kėrkesėn
e tij pėr ta mbėshtetur si deputet nė kėtė zonė, ėshtė i vendosur tė
kandidojė. Gjithsesi, Shehi shprehet se pret njė pėrgjigje nga PD-ja dhe
kryetari i saj, sigurisht njė pėrgjigje pozitive. Pa e pritur kėtė pėrgjigje,
Shehi filloi dje kontaktet me njerėzit e zonės, duke shėtitur nėpėr
disa lagje tė zonės 31. Para disa ditėsh, kryetari i LZHK-sė, pas kėrkesės
publike qė i bėri Berishės lidhur me kandidimin e tij nė kėtė zonė, i
shkroi edhe njė letėr zyrtare, ndaj tė cilės ende nuk ka marrė pėrgjigje.
Pritet qė Presidenti Topi tė dekretojė zgjedhjet nė kėtė zonė, qė tė
fillojnė debatet nė partitė parlamentare lidhur me kandidatėt nė kėtė
zonė. Aktualisht, PD-ja nuk ka pėrcaktuar ende njė emėr, pasi pritet qė
tė zhvillohet njė mbledhje kryesie, e cila do tė dalė nė njė pėrfundim,
pra ose me njė kandidat tė PD-sė, ose tė mbėshtesė Dashamir Shehin si
kandidaturė. Nėse do ta mbėshtesė kėtė tė fundit, atėherė do tė
kemi njė zgjerim tė maxhorancės dhe me njė parti tjetėr, qė ėshtė
ajo e LZHK-sė, por burimet nuk bėjnė tė ditur nėse ky zgjerim do tė
shtrihet edhe nė qeverisje. Bashkėpunimi i fundit i PD-sė me kėtė parti
ishte gjatė zgjedhjeve lokale. Berisha dhe Shehi firmosėn njė marrėveshje
bashkėpunimi, e cila parashikonte qė Shehi tė ishte nėnkryetar i Bashkisė
sė Tiranės, nėse kėtė bashki do ta fitonte Sokol Olldashi, kandidati i
PD-sė. Njė gjė e tillė nuk ndodhi, kėshtu qė Shehi kėrkon sėrish njė
bashkėpunim institucional me demokratėt. Shehi njihet se ka qenė njė
ish-funksionar i PD-sė, si nė parti ashtu dhe gjatė qeverisjes sė saj,
ku ka pasur pozicionin e zėvendėskryeministrit. Kandidimin e tij nuk e
pranojnė disa aleatė tė Berishės, tė cilėt me kėto zgjedhje kėrkojnė
qė tė shtojnė numrin e deputetėve, gjithnjė nėse garantohet mbėshtetja
e PD-sė. Shehi ka kandiduar dhe herė tė tjera nė zona tė ndryshme
zgjedhore nė kryeqytet dhe pa mbėshtetjen e PD-sė dhe tė koalicionit tė
djathtė, ai ka marrė mjaft vota. Presidenti Topi pritet tė dekretojė
zhvillimin e zgjedhjeve tė parakohshme nė zonėn zgjedhore 31 tė
kryeqytetit, pasi me zgjedhjen e tij nė postin e kryetarit tė shtetit, ai
ka dorėzuar automatikisht mandatin e tij si deputet.
Monday, 06 August 2007 | |
Lėvizja pėr Zhvillim Kombėtar ka shpallur zyrtarisht kandidatin e saj pėr deputet nė zonėn 31, deputet i sė cilės ka qenė Bamir Topi. Kandidatura e Dashamir Shehit mesa duket nuk ka gjetur konsensus pėr tė dalė si njė kandidaturė e vetme e mazhorancės ndaj kjo parti ka shpallur zyrtarisht kėtė kandidaturė tė sajėn. Ditė mė parė me anė tė Sekretares sė Pėrgjithshme tė kėsaj partie ėshtė bėrė e ditur se kjo parti do tė kėrkonte konsensusin pėr kandidaturėn e Dashamir Shehit kryetar i LZHK. Duket se PD ka ambiciet e saj pėr kėtė zonė dhe nuk ka pranuar tė dalė me kandidaturėn e Shehit.Pėr pasojė ditėn e djeshme duke bėrė tė ditur se do tė dalė e vetme nė zgjedhjet e pjesshme tė kėsaj zone Dashamir Shehi ka shpallur kandidaturėn zyrtare. Zgjedhjet e pjesshme tė cilat do tė zhvillohen nė zonėn 31 si pasojė e shpalljes President tė deputetit tė kėsaj zone priten qė ashtu si tė gjitha zhvillimet e tjera, qoftė partiake, qoftė institucionale tė zhvillohen nė shtator. Mospranimi nga ana e Partisė Demokratike ashtu siē pritej ka krijuar fraksionizmin e parė tė koalicionit tė djathtė e pėr pasojė rrjedhje tė votave tė elektoratit tė djathtė. Kjo pasi LZHK ėshtė njė parti e cila ka njė elektorat tė sajin dhe pėr mė tepėr qė Dashamir Shehi ka kandiduar edhe mė parė nė kėtė zonė ku ka akumuluar njė sasi tė madh votash. LZHK nuk ka pėrfaqėsues nė parlament dhe ky ėshtė njė shans pėr tė arritur kėtė qėllim. Kjo parti e ka bazuar mbėshtetjen ndaj kandidatit tė saj Dashamir Shehi nė cilėsitė e tij si njė figurė me integritet moral dhe me njė eksperiencė tė konsiderueshme politike. Nė kėto kushte PD do ti duhet tė konkurrojė me kandidatin e saj pėrballė kandidatit Shehi i cili tradicionalisht ėshtė njė aleat i koalicionit tė djathtė. Nga ana tjetėr edhe partia Lėvizja e Legalitetit ka ofruar krerėt e saj si kandidatė tė mundshėm pėr deputet nė zonėn 31 nė Tiranė. Ndryshe nga LZHK kjo parti ka premtuar se do tė respektojė vendimin unik tė mazhorancės dhe nuk do tė dalė me kandidaturė tė vetme tė sajėn nė kėto zgjedhje tė pjesshme. |
PLL do zonen e Bamirit |
E Diele, 05 Gusht 2007 |
Zgjedhjet
e pjesshme parlamentare ne zonen 31 ne kryeqytet po shnderrohen ne
mollen e sherrit mes mazhorances dhe aleateve tradicionale te
saj. Pas Lezivjes per Zhvillim Kombetar tani eshte Partia Levizja e
Legalitetit ajo qe kerkon perkrahjen e mazhorances per te kandiduar
ne kete zone. Kreu i PLL-se Ekrem Spahia tha se zgjedhjet e pjesshme
ne kete zone jane shume te rendesishme per kete force, jo vetem per
perfaqesimin dinjitoz te elektoratit te asaj zone dhe aspiratave qe
ai misheron, por edhe per rikonfirmimin e fitores se te djathtes e
te qendres se djathte. PLL si parti e djathte autentike e
tradicionale,-vijoi Spahiu- shpreh qendrimin e saj se, ne funksion
te fitores se zgjedhjeve ne zonen 31, te gjitha partite politike te
spektrit tone duhet te unifikojne qendrimet e te dalim ne keto
zgjedhje me nje kandidat te vetem, duke siguruar mbeshtetjen e te
gjithe subjekteve tona. Zgjedhja e nje deputeti nga e djathta ne
kete zone nuk do te thote vetem rikonfirmim numrash ne parlament por
duhet te jete njekohesisht edhe avancim i frymes se djathte ne
politiken shqiptare qe duhet te kete si synim edhe perfaqesimin e
plote ne Kuvendin e Shqiperise te ketij spektri. Spahiu pershendeti
edhe zgjedhjen e Bamir Topit ne krye te shtetit shqiptar dhe shprehu
bindjen se Topi do te dije te sjelle nje fryme te re ne politiken
shqiptare. E.P |
Kosova dhe Hiresia e Tij, Janullatos |
E Diele, 05 Gusht 2007 |
Si i
shihni zhvillimet ne Kosove? Problemet qe lidhen me Kosoven jane bere vertet shqetesuese qe nga momenti qe filloi nje shtyrje e vazhdueshme e percaktimit te statusit, i cili nderkohe qe brenda dhjetorit 2006 duhet te kishte perfunduar. Fatkeqesisht plani Ahtisari qe do te ishte kompromisi me i besueshem dhe me i pranueshem nga te gjitha palet po spostohet. U hodh ideja qe te kete zgjatje te bisedimeve, per te cilat dihet tashme perse do flitet se ceshtja e statusit eshte percaktuar qe do jete jete pavaresia. Do behen bisedime qe do te zgjasin 120 dite ne fund te te cilave nuk eshte e qarte se cfare do te ndodhe. Kalimi i perkujdesit te bisedimeve nga keshilli i sigurimit te grupi i kontaktit eshte gjithashtu gjykoj nje lajm jo i mire per sa kohe qe KS identifikohej me planin Ahtisari. Kjo le te dyshosh qe bisedimet do te tentohen te pakten nga pala serbe te anashkalohet plani Ahtisari gje te natyrisht eshte e papranueshme nga pala shqiptare. Problemet qe lidhen me te drejtat e minoriteteve jane trajtuar ne menyre te drejte dhe jane sqaruar ne planin Ahtisari, duke u lene edhe privilegje qe nuk i ka asnje minorance edhe ne vendet me te zhvilluara te Europes. Rezultati nuk do te jete spektakolar. Nuk do te kete ndonje ndryshim te madh ne raport me me rezultatet e arritura ne Vjene dhe problemet do te rishfaqen pas 120 ditesh. Por ajo qe shqeteson eshte qe do te mund te gjendet edhe pas kesaj ndonje pretekst do te kenaqen edhe njehere kerkesat e pales serbe sic ka ndodhur ne keto 8-9 muajt e fudnit dhe do te mund te kaloj problemi ne vitin 2008, kur jane zgjedhjet ne SHBA, Angli, zgjedhjet presidenciale ne Rusi, te cilat jane tre vende qe kane nje rol kyc ne vendimarrje dhe qe paralizimi i tyre per arsye te brendshme mund te perkthehej edhe ne nje shtyrje te metejshme gje qe natyrisht krijon nje shqetesim tek shqiptaret e Kosoves dhe me te drejte sepse ndihen te anashkaluar ndersa u ishte premtuar ne menyre solemne perfundimi i statusit qe brenda vitit 2006. Shtyrja krijon probleme jo vetem te karakterit psikologjik, por edhe probleme ekonomike, funksionimin e institucioneve. Per pavaresine, mund te jemi me te qete sepse edhe kudnershtaret me te forte e kane te qarte qe nuk ka me mundesi per tu kthyer mbrapa. E qarte eshte gjithashtu qe kjo gjendje stand bye nuk mund te vazhdoje me gjate. Ka pasur raste me pak dramatike se Kosova jane zgjidhur pa zhurme dhe pa ndonje problem te madh kujtoj rastin e Timorit Lindor, ose Libanit te Jugut edhe ndonje rast tjeter me i paperfillshem ne raport me problematiken e Kosoves. Keshtu qe te gjithe keto faktore bejne te konkludosh qe shtyrja e metejshme jo vetem qe nuk zbut qendrimet e kundershtareve Rusise dhe Serbise, por keta madje duke pare pikerisht pavendosmerine e komunitetit nderkombetar i ngurtesojne dhe ashpersojne qendrimet e tyre. Ky fitim kohe nuk eshte ne fitim jo vetem te ceshtjes se Kosoves por edhe ne favor te zgjidhjes se problemit. Do ta mbeshtesni pavaresine e njeanshme? Kjo do te ndodhe nese Rusia do te pengoje me veton e saj percaktimin e statusit te Kosoves sic eshte projektuar nga Ahtisari, atehere do te duhet te procedohej me rruge te tjera sic eshte njohja nga shtete dhe grup shtetesh te vecanta duke filluar nga SHBA, BE, vende jashte Europes. Pra do te ecej me kete rruge te terthorte qe ne nuk do ta uronim, por qe do te ishte rrugedalja e vetme. Craporte duhet te kete Shqiperia me Kosoven pas shpalljes se pavaresise? Ka nje specifike qe eshte e kote te mbulohet, qe qofte banoret e Shqiperise dhe ata te shtetit te ri te Kosoves jane gjenetikisht dhe etnikisht te te njejtes race, jane shqiptare. Kjo percakton edhe raporte te vecanta mes dy shteteve. Shkembeimet ekonomike, kulturore, shkencore, universitare, bashkepunimi jo thjesht luajal por vellazeror te njerit per tjetrin, natyrisht keto jane disa ceshtje te kuptueshme. Bashkimi per ceshtje lidhur me marredheniet me jashte. A mund te bashkohen dy shtetet sic kerkojne nje pjese e popullates? Kufiri do te kete dy funksione. Do te jete nje pengese per depertimin e krimit dhe trafiqeve. Ketu sdo te kete tolerance. Ne kete rast kufijte nuk do te jene transparence, por pengese. Ne aspektin tjeter te shkembimeve tregetare ne qe tani kemi nje marreveshje per kete ku nuk ka tatimeapo rregulla doganore qe ekzistonin dikur. Po por a mund te shkoje deri ne bashkim? Nese flasim ne bashkimin e gjithe trojeve shqiptare, pra Shqiperise se Madhe sic flitej ne kohen e Rilindjes, natyrisht nuk eshte momenti. Jetojme ne nje realitet tjeter. Erdhem ne kete kohe moderne per fat te keq te ndare ne disa shtete dhe nuk eshte ne as angazhimi as qellimi i shtetit shqiptar dhe gjitha qeverive per te luftuar per nje bashkim mekanik te ketyre trojeve dhe popullsive. Por, ne jemi fare te qete sepse jetojme ne kohe krejt te reja. Por, intesifikimi i shkembimeve, berja e kufijve sa me transparente dhe ne fund te fundit konvergimi jone me Kosoven dhe vendet e tjera drejt BE-se do te ishte nje zgjidhje e problemit ne menyren me ideale me te pranueshme me pozitive qofte per ne shqiptaret e Shqiperise, te Kosoves, por edhe te shteteve te tjera. Ajo qe ju pyetet, shqiptaret do te bashkohen me Europen e Bashkuar dhe me shtetet e tjera te rajonit per shkembime dhe bashkepunim shume me intensive se ce kemi sot. Me nje flamur qe duket se do te ndryshoje per Kosoven. Po qeveria e Tiranes? Sigurisht qe nje shtet i ri sic eshte Kosova, pavaresisht nga perberja e popullsise dhe historia e tyre me popullsine shqiptare sigurisht do te kete nuanca te njejta persa i perket shenjave dalluese qe jane normale qe te ndodhin. Mund te ruhen edhe pika takimi me shtetin shqiptar gje qe dhe justifikohet edhe kjo eshte e pranueshme. Ne i kemi bere te qarta rezervat qe kur qeveria thoshte se do luante nje rol te ulet pa qene faktor ne zgjidhjen e statusit. Me tej kur hidhte teza ose ide shpesh edhe te huazuara nga guzhina te huaja per fat te keq, sic ishte edhe ajo e pavaresise se kushtezuar apo akoma me keq teza e percaktimit te statusit pa ndryshuar kufijte nderkombetarisht te njohur te rajonit gje qe e ka thene vetem diplomacia jone dhe ajo serbe. Apo tjetra si ajo e mospasjes se dy shteteve shqiptare ne Ballkan. Po Greqia, marredheniet me te? Ka incidente si Kosina, ushtaret greke, emigrantet. Ketu eshte ai kompleksi i inferioritetit qe na ndjek me shtete te rendesishme dhe sidomos me shtete si Greqia qe ka nje vend me vote ne procesin e integrimit, por politika e jashtme nuk duhet te harroje detyren kryesore ate te mbrojtjes se interesave te vendit. Ka pasur perzierje ne punet e brendshme tonat nga shteti Helen sic ka qene ajo e varrezave, hapjes se disa shkollave greke ku jane bere dhe deklarata te papranueshme shoviniste nga zyrtare te larte qe qeverise greke. Ka pasur edhe qenrime nga strukturat e shtetit, si ushtria qe reflektojne nje politike armiqesore. Po ashtu edhe rasti i keqtrajtimit te emigranteve nga policia. Keto jane teresisht te papranueshme dhe qeveria duhet te mbante qendrim. Raste te tilla mbjellin nje fare konfuzioni helmi ne marredheniet shqiptaro-greke dhe duhet qe ministria ne menyre luajale, me dinjitet, duhet tia parashtroje problemet dhe pervoja ka treguar se kur ka pasur reagim korrekt nga ne edhe nga pala greke ka qene i tille. Ne te kunderten kur heshtet ose kur tentohet te behet e zeza e bardhe sic ben ndonjehere diplomacia jone atehere sigurisht pala tjeter do te kerkoje te arrije kufij te tjere, te pamundururen. Eshte faji i te gjitheve qe shpesh zgjedhin heshtjen. Keni qene nje nder kritiket kryesore ndaj Hiresise se Tij, Anastas Janullatos. Duhet te ike? Kam gjithnje qene i mendimit qe kapja e kishes nga nje klerik i larte qofte ky nje njeri i pregatitur intelektual sic eshte Janullatos ka qene nje dhune qe i eshte bere kishes shqiptare. Autoqefalia ka qene nje nga rritjet me te medha te Rilindjes, akti i dyte i emancipimit te kombit shqiptar pas shpalljes se pavaresise. Per fat te keq ardhja e Janullatosit ishte nje goditje, mohimi i historise dhe perpjekjeve qe kane perballuar eterit tane te medhenj, duke filluar nga Fan Noli. Pervecse nje akt i palejueshem institucionalisht qe nuk perputhet dhe me vete kanunet e kishes edhe aktiviteti i Janullatos nuk ka qene ne linjen e duhur dhe forcimit te harmonise nderfetare, por ka kerkuar te ngreje barriera me komunitetet e tjera katlike apo musliman. Hiresia e tij ka kaluar edhe kufijte qe i ka misioni i tij pastoral dhe eshte bere pjese e qendrimeve politike me heshtjen apo me deklaratat e tij. Nuk mund ta quaj normale qe masakrimin dhe tentativat per spastrim etnik ndaj vellezerve tane te Kosoves ne vitin 1999 kaloi ne heshtje nga kreu i kishes. Sdo ta quaj normale, qe fatkeqesite historike te shqiptareve apo problemet qe perballojne nje pjese e kombesise se popullit shqiptar, sic eshte ceshtja came, injorohet teresisht nga ai. Aq me pak nuk me duket normale qe impenjohet edhe personalisht ne disa ceshtje qe kane te bejne me ceshtje laike mes dy shteteve, sic eshte rasti i varrezave ne Kosine. Aty Janullatos ka nderhyre prane atutoriteteve lokale ne qender dhe baze per te lejuar hapjen e varrezave. Solidarizimi qofte dhe ne heshtje me batakcij te tille si prifti Thomollari, protagonist i nje ngjarje makaber. Heshtja dhe aq me shume promovimi i ketij prifti vagabond, me te kaluar te dyshimte dhe me te tashme akoma me te dyshimte tregon qe hiresia e tij nuk ngurron shpesh here te rreshtohet me te keqen per te arritur synime qe ne rastin me te mire do ti konsideroja te errta. Gjykoj qe zoti Janullatos do te duhet qe te lere detyren e tij, aq me shume qe sot ka edhe peshkope te pregatitur qe mund ta marrin ne dore drejtimin e kishes. A ka ndonje detyrim? Natyrisht nga momenti i pare kur u lejua, dhe atehere mund te parandalohej ardhja e Janulatosit, heqja e tij eshte bere gjithnje e me e veshtire. Ai arriti te ngreje sinodin e shenjte me njerez te besuar te tij dhe sipas kanunit do te ishte ne dore te ketij sinodi ta vendose. Por, edhe shteti shqiptar ka te drejtat e tij. Por shteti shqiptar nuk ka bere as minimalen, as nje ligj per fete i cili sigurisht do te vendoste disa kritere e disa kufij per te mos kaluar kompetencat. A duhet tia jape presidenti i ri i vendit Bamir Topi, kombesine shqiptare At Janullatosi? Do ta konsideroja sigurisht me ligj mund ta marre. Ligji thote qe thote qe pas nje periudhe kohe mund te marre edhe nenshtetesi shqiptare, por sigurisht ne kete rast nuk mund te procedohet keshtu. Ketu kemi te bejme me nje rast te vecante. Nuk eshte nje rast dosido qe meriton nje trajtim te vecante. Me nje fjale te mos ti jepet nenshtetesia shqiptare hiresise se tij. saqellari@korrieri.com |
RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE, CZECH REPUBLIC
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RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 144, Part II, 7 August 2007
UN HALTS RETURN OF PROPERTY IN KOSOVA... The head of the UN Mission in
Kosova (UNMIK), Joachim Ruecker, on August 2 ordered a temporary halt to the
return of 350 properties in the region. The UNMIK gave no specific reason for
the decision, but UNMIK spokeswoman Myriam Dessables, reportedly stressed that
"the validity of these decisions in these cases is not under question, but
the suspension only affects their implementation." Although Dessables said
the decision is not aimed at any ethnic community in Kosova, Vuko Antonijevic, a
senior Kosovar Serb politician, said in an interview published on August 5 by
the Serbian daily "Politika" that "this is a well-conceived move,
because if there is no return of property, which is one of the inalienable human
rights, then there is also no return" by refugees. A senior official in
Serbia's ministry for Kosovar affairs, Dusan Prorokovic, on August 5 described
Ruecker's decision as "one of the most scandalous in UNMIK's eight-year
history," local media reported. The Serbian news agency Tanjug speculated
on August 6 that Ruecker may have been responding to reports alleging that local
authorities in the town in Klina had illegally seized property belonging to
ethnic Serbs. Property rights and the plight of returnees are issues
consistently highlighted by Serbian negotiators in talks about the future of
Kosova, and a report issued in late July by the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) found that "the fact that returns remain a
priority eight years after the conflict reflects the reality that all mechanisms
and strategies developed were not successful in providing adequate protection of
the rights of returnees." It also stated that "more than 20,000
claims...are currently suspended and pending an adequate solution," and
called for stronger safeguards for property rights and more extensive measures
to protect returnees (see "RFE/RL Newsline," August 2, 2007). AG
...WHILE SERBIA ADMITS WITHHOLDING PROPERTY DETAILS... The head of
land-registry issues in Serbia's ministry for Kosovar affairs, Slavica
Radomirovic, told the Serbian daily "Vecernje novosti" on August 5
that Serbia took the original documentation out of Kosova and continues to
refuse to hand over the registry to the UNMIK "because, while the originals
are with us, Serbia has proof what is its property.... What would happen if the
originals were with them? Seizures would be legalized [and] what is Serbian
would become Albanian." "Vecernje novosti" noted that the Serbian
state, ethnic Serbs, and the Serbian Orthodox Church have legal title to 59
percent of Kosova's land. The late-July OSCE report also stressed the need for
Serbia to "help ensure the return of cadastral and judicial records
originating or pertaining to Kosovo which are currently located in Serbia proper."
AG
...AND KOSOVAR PREMIER URGES ALBANIANS NOT TO SELL. Kosova's prime
minister, Agim Ceku, has urged ethnic Albanians in the ethnically divided city
of Mitrovica to demonstrate "greater national consciousness" by not
selling property. Ceku, who made his call on August 1, said via the local media
that would-be sellers should hold off until Kosova's status is resolved. On July
31, members of the Kosovar parliament claimed that the Serbian authorities are
buying Albanian properties at high prices and constructing high-rise apartment
blocks on them. Mitrovica is one of the most combustible areas of Kosova, and
two bomb blasts in Mitrovica in March occurred near or on a site where two
residential apartment blocks are being built with funds from the Serbian
government (see "RFE/RL Newsline," March 28, 2007). AG
ONE DEAD IN POLICE CLASH NEAR KOSOVA. Serbian police late on August 4
killed one man in a 20-minute exchange of fire with gunmen near the border with
Kosova, Serbian Interior Minister Dragan Jocic said on August 5. Jocic told
Serbian and international reporters that the police were called in after reports
that a group of "at least" 10 gunmen was attacking cars on a road
leading toward the border. Jocic said the motive for the attack appeared to be
robbery, but noted that "their attack and defense was professional,
conducted with almost military knowledge and experience." The men wore
balaclavas and black uniforms and were armed with automatic rifles and
rocket-propelled grenades, Jocic said. The Kosovar daily "Koha ditore"
reported on August 6 that there are some indications that the gunmen were
targeting the cars of ethnic Albanians heading to Kosova for holidays. It did
not disclose the source of this information. The incident occurred in the
Presevo Valley, a region of southern Serbia predominantly populated by ethnic
Albanians and the site of an insurgency between 1999 and November 2001. This is
the first such incident in the region this year, but there is concern that any
violence prompted by the dispute over Kosova's status could spill over into the
Presevo Valley. That unease has also been fueled by efforts by some local
politicians to put the possibility of unification with Kosova back on the agenda
(see "RFE/RL Newsline," June 8, 2007). One of those leading calls for
secession, Jonuz Musliu, was among those attacked by the armed group, "Koha
ditore" and Serbian national television reported. Musliu is a deputy mayor
of one of the region's three towns, Bujanovac, and is a former political leader
of the region's now-disbanded separatist militia. AG
RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE, CZECH REPUBLIC
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RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 143, Part II, 6 August 2007
UN WANTS REPORT ON KOSOVA TALKS IN DECEMBER... UN Secretary-General
Ban Ki-moon on August 1 welcomed pending talks on the future of Kosova
instigated by the UN's leading powers. In a statement, Ban asked for the
negotiating teams to submit a report to him by December 10. However, Ban did not
indicate whether talks should end by that date, confining himself to repeating
his oft-stated view that there needs to be a "timely" solution because
"the status quo is not sustainable." Talks on Kosova's status were
transferred to the UN in March, but failed to lead to a breakthrough in the face
of a possible Russian veto, prompting Brussels and Washington to change the
forum of diplomatic efforts to the Contact Group and bilateral talks between
Kosova and Serbia. The talks will be mediated by Russian, U.S., and EU diplomats
(see "RFE/RL Newsline," August 1 and 2, 2007). Ban said the Contact
Group informed him about "the modalities for further negotiations between
Pristina and Belgrade," but gave no details. Nor did he state when the
talks will start. Radio-Television Serbia on August 1 quoted Ban's spokesman,
Alex Sernilia, as saying that a decision on the date for the start of talks lies
in the hands of the Contact Group. EU High Representative for Common Foreign and
Security Policy Javier Solana has said they should begin in mid-August (see
"RFE/RL Newsline," August 2, 2007). AG
...BUT DISPUTE CONTINUES OVER DEADLINE FOR TALKS. While UN
Secretary-General Ban did not say that talks on Kosova's future should end by
December 10, the UN official who currently administers Kosova, Joachim Ruecker,
told the Serbian daily "Vecernje novosti" on August 2 that he believes
120 days is long enough for additional talks. The United States indicated on
August 1 that it views the report's submission as marking the end of talks on
Kosova. According to AFP, U.S. State Department spokesman Tom Casey said that
talks could not be "open-ended," and that "we believe Kosovo's
status needs to be clarified promptly" after the report is passed to Ban.
Casey called the upcoming talks a "serious, final attempt to reach an
agreement between the parties." In an interview with RFE/RL's South Slavic
and Albanian Languages Service on August 3, the U.S. envoy to the talks, Frank
Wisner, said that "we should be able to reach a decision on final status at
the end of 120 days." A similar position was adopted by Brussels, the
Kosovar daily "Zeri" reported on August 4, quoting EU High
Representative Solana as calling on "Belgrade and Pristina to be actively
and constructively engaged in this final round of negotiations." Similar
wording was used by a spokeswoman for the Kosovar government, Ulpiana Lama, who
called the December date a "final time frame," "Zeri"
reported on August 2. However, a variety of Serbian and Russian officials have
since August 1 stressed that there should be no time limits imposed on the talks
and the report to the UN will not necessarily mark the conclusion of
negotiations between Belgrade and Prishtina. AG
SERBIA SKETCHES OUT POSSIBLE CONCESSIONS... Serbian Foreign Minister Vuk
Jeremic on August 2 amplified Serbia's long-standing offer of broad autonomy for
Kosova, mentioning in an interview with the BBC several "sovereign
prerogatives" that Serbia would be willing to offer. Jeremic said that an
autonomous Kosova within Serbia would be able to forge independent relationships
with international financial institutions -- such as the World Bank and the
International Monetary Fund -- and to establish "some kind of
representation abroad." Jeremic said Kosova could be given "the widest
possible autonomy in the world" and that Serbia's government is "prepared
to give up a lot of things, but [Kosovar Albanian leaders] also need to be
prepared to give up something." Serbian leaders have not previously
mentioned specific concessions they might be willing to make, and Slobodan
Samardzic, the Serbian government's minister for Kosova, on August 3
acknowledged to Serbian reporters that Jeremic's stance reflects a willingness
within the Serbian cabinet to offer broader autonomy to Kosova than it had
previously envisaged. Jeremic's proposal was in part echoed on August 4 by
Serbia's ambassador to Russia, Stanimir Vukicevic, who told the Moscow radio
station Svetionik that Belgrade is now willing for Kosova to sign agreements
with international financial institutions directed at development of the
province. However, Vukicevic also said that Kosova would not be able to open
diplomatic offices, which he said is solely the right of sovereign states. AG
...AND SETS CONDITIONS FOR KOSOVA TALKS. Serbia has put forward six
conditions for talks on the future of Kosova, Serbian media reported on August
3-4. It wants the talks to relate directly to Kosova's status, to be
face-to-face with Kosovar Albanian leaders, to be open-ended, to not include any
mechanism that would trigger a predetermined result, to abandon a UN proposal
made in March to grant Kosova "supervised independence," and to put
any outcome of the talks to a vote in the UN Security Council. Western members
of the Contact Group believe the talks cannot be open-ended and should use the
UN proposal plan as their base. They have also not committed themselves to
returning the issue of Kosova's future to the UN. Serbia's reference to a "predetermined"
result relates to a proposal once made but subsequently dropped by Western
powers that, in the event of talks failing, Kosova should be free to declare
independence. The Serbian daily "Vecernje novosti" also reported on
August 4 that Serbia's delegation to the talks may also include members of two
nationalist parties, the Radicals and the Socialist Party, which was founded by
the late Slobodan Milosevic, Yugoslavia's president during the 1998-99 conflict.
AG
SERBIA INSISTS EU SUGGESTED CONFEDERATION WITH KOSOVA. Serbia's minister for
Kosova, Slobodan Samardzic, on August 3 insisted that the EU is contemplating
the possibility of Serbia forming a confederation with Kosova. Samardzic was
speaking to the Serbian "Vecernje novosti," which ran a report on July
31 that quoted unnamed EU diplomats as saying some in Brussels believe a
confederation could be a possible means of resolving the dispute over Kosova's
future (see "RFE/RL Newsline," August 2, 2007). The spokeswoman for
the EU High Representative Solana, Cristina Gallach, said on July 31 that she
has no knowledge of such a proposal. Samardzic said that "two weeks ago,
Javier Solana himself mentioned confederation as a solution," and that it
was "certain that the idea is being considered and denials by [Gallach]
cannot annul that." Samardzic said that "over the past 10 days, we
have received from Europe and official Brussels circles certain semi-official
and discrete proposals to consider the creation of a confederation of Serbia and
Kosovo," an option that, he said, "is absolutely unacceptable" to
Belgrade. AG
SERBIAN DEPUTY PREMIER PREDICTS EU MEMBERSHIP BY 2014. Deputy Prime
Minister Bozidar Delic told FoNet in an interview that Serbia will become an EU
member in 2014, perhaps on June 28. June 28 is Vidovdan, an ominous date in
Serbian history: it marks the day when a medieval Serbian army was defeated in
Kosova by the invading Ottomans, while in 2014 it will be the 100th anniversary
of the assassination of the heir to the Habsburg throne, Archduke Francis
Ferdinand, by a Serbian nationalist in Sarajevo, which touched off the events
that led to World War I. Delic said Serbia's accession will represent "a
symbolic end of the 20th century," according to FoNet on August 5. Delic
expects a Stabilization and Association Agreement with Brussels -- typically a
first step on the way to membership -- to be signed by the end of 2007 if Serbia
meets the key remaining precondition, full cooperation with the International
Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in The Hague. "We could get a
green light even without [Bosnian Serb wartime commander Ratko] Mladic in The
Hague, though the best proof of cooperation remains extradition," he said.
Delic warned, however, that the Serbian parliament needs to accelerate its
reform drive. "The heart of European integrations beats in parliament,"
he said, "and unless something changes we will suffer a heart attack."
TV
KOSOVAR NEGOTIATOR BEGINS 'LONG WALK.' One of the five Kosovar Albanian
politicians involved in talks on Kosova's status, Veton Surroi, began a 24-day
walk across Kosova on August 1, local media reported. Surroi, who will be
sleeping in a tent each night, said he is "trying to establish an intensive
dialogue with Kosova's citizens about the basic questions related to the Kosova
status issue, and I would like to personally hear what they think about the
problem." Surroi, who began his walk in the rain, said he expects the walk
to be difficult, with ups and downs, heat and cold -- just like Kosova's path
toward independence. Kosovar broadcasters reported that Surroi, who heads an
opposition party, denied that the march marks the start of his party's campaign
for local and parliamentary elections scheduled for November (see "RFE/RL
Newsline," August 1, 2007). AG
___________________________
Deklaratė pėr Mediat 04/08/2007
Partia "Lėvizja e Legalitetit"
Bulevardi "Zog I", Tiranė.
legaliteti@gmail.com
Tel&Fax: +355 4 230076
Zgjedhja e z. Bamir Topi nė postin e lartė tė Kryetarit tė Shtetit ka sjellė njė frymė tė re nė gjithė politikėn shqiptare. Ne shpresojmė dhe besojmė se rezultatet do tė jenė tė shpejta dhe tė dukshme.
Gjithashtu nė rend tė ditės ka dalė edhe zhvillimi i zgjedhjeve tė pjesshme parlamentare nė zonėn 31 Tiranė ku z. Bamir Topi ka qenė i zgjedhur si deputet.
PLL i konsideron zgjedhjet e pjesshme parlamentare nė zonėn 31 Tiranė si shumė tė rėndėsishme jo vetėm pėr pėrfaqėsimin dinjitoz tė elektoratit tė asaj zone dhe aspiratave qė ai mishėron, por edhe pėr rikonfirmimin e fitores sė tė djathtės e tė qendrės sė djathtė.
PLL si parti e djathtė autentike e tradicionale, shpreh qėndrimin e saj se, nė funksion tė fitores sė zgjedhjeve nė zonėn 31, tė gjitha partitė politike tė spektrit tonė duhet tė unifikojnė qėndrimet e tė dalim nė kėto zgjedhje me njė kandidat tė vetėm, duke siguruar mbėshtetjen e tė gjithė subjekteve tona.
Zgjedhja e njė deputeti tė djathtė nė kėtė zonė nuk konsiderohet prej nesh thjesht si konfirmim dhe ruajtje e raporteve numerike ne parlament, por ajo duhet tė jetė njėkohėsisht edhe avancim i frymės sė djathtė nė politikėn shqiptare qė duhet tė ketė si synim edhe pėrfaqėsimin e plotė nė Kuvendin e Shqipėrisė tė kėtij spektri.
Nė kėtė kontekst, Partia "Lėvizja e Legalitetit", duke u angazhuar me seriozitet dhe pėrgjegjėsi maksimale, krahas mbėshtetjes dhe kontributit nė fushatėn zgjedhore, i ofron koalicionit tė djathtė kandidaturat e veta mė tė mira duke pėrfshirė edhe drejtuesit mė tė lartė tė partisė.
___________________________
RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE,
CZECH REPUBLIC
___________________________________________________________
RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 140, Part II, 1 August 2007
KOSOVAR ALBANIANS ACCEPT FURTHER STATUS
TALKS... Kosova's parliament on July 30 gave its backing for further talks
on the region's final status, local and international media reported. However,
the assembly and Kosovar President Fatmir Sejdiu made clear the bilateral talks
with Belgrade will be Prishtina's last attempt to win international support for
independence and that Kosovar leaders will not renounce the region's claim to
statehood. Sejdiu did not indicate whether Kosova will declare independence
unilaterally if the talks lead nowhere. Kosovar leaders are debating when to
declare independence, but they have said they will not act unilaterally (see
"RFE/RL Newsline," July 24, 2007). Austrian President Heinz Fischer
said on July 30 that a unilateral declaration of independence by Kosova would be
the "worst solution," Kosovar and international media reported on July
31. The EU, which will mediate the negotiations together with the United States
and Russia, wants the negotiations to be limited to 120 days (see "RFE/RL
Newsline," July 30, 2007). An unnamed EU diplomatic source quoted by
Reuters on July 31 said the talks are expected to start "this week, next
week, very soon," while AFP quoted Russian Foreign Ministry spokesman
Mikhail Kamynin as saying "status talks could start very soon, of course
under the condition that there is careful preparation by the Contact
Group." Kamynin also reiterated Russia's opposition to an "artificial
time limit" on the talks. AG
...WHILE SERBIA REJECTS NOTION OF CONFEDERATION. Serbian Prime Minister
Vojislav Kostunica dismissed as "nonsensical" the possibility of
Serbia forming a confederation with Kosova, the Serbian broadcaster B92 and the
Italian news agency AKI reported. Kostunica's comments came after a Serbian
daily, "Vecernje Novosti," wrote on July 31 that unnamed EU sources
had told it the EU is considering floating the idea of a confederation between
Serbia and Kosova. Kostunica reiterated Serbia's position that it is prepared to
offer Kosova "the best measure of autonomy," arguing that all European
states seek to accommodate their minorities' interests by offering various
degrees of autonomy and that Kosova's ethnic Albanians "cannot be a special
and unique minority to whom universal rules of international law do not apply."
Given that ethnic Albanians are overwhelmingly the demographic majority in
Kosova and strongly back independence, the creation of a confederation would in
all likelihood lead eventually to a referendum on independence. EU leaders have,
like U.S. leaders, stated that they believe independence is the best and "inevitable"
solution for Kosova. AG
RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE,
CZECH REPUBLIC
___________________________________________________________
RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 139, Part II, 31 July 2007
SLOVENIA WANTS TO OFFER SERBIA EU-KOSOVA
DEAL... Slovenia hopes that when it assumes the EU's rotating Presidency it
will be able to end the impasse over Kosova's future by offering Serbia
EU-candidate status, the "Financial Times" reported on July 30. The
newspaper cited "officials in Ljubljana" as its source but also quoted
Slovenian Foreign Minister Dimitrij Rupel as saying, "I have never felt as
confident as I feel now dealing with my colleagues from Serbia." It did not
say whether Rupel's confidence relates to the possibility of a breakthrough in
talks on Kosova. The EU on July 29 appointed a German diplomat, Wolfgang
Ischinger, to mediate for the EU in upcoming talks on Kosova's final status (see
"RFE/RL Newsline," July 30, 2007). However, Slovenia will be in a
position to exert a critical influence on EU policy from January 2008, when it
assumes the leadership of the EU next year. Failure to decide on Kosova's future
before Slovenia assumes the EU Presidency would be a disappointment for Western
powers and for Prishtina: the EU hopes an imminent round of talks will last just
120 days and will result in a decision; the United States says it wants a
resolution this year; and Kosovar leaders are currently discussing the
possibility of declaring independence in November or December. AG
...WHILE HUNGARIAN PREMIER SAYS EU MAY RECOGNIZE KOSOVA'S INDEPENDENCE
WITHOUT UN. Hungary's prime minister, Ferenc Gyurcsany, said on July 30 that
the EU and NATO may have no choice but to circumvent the United Nations and
recognize Kosova as an independent state, local and international media reported.
"If Kosovar Albanians lose hope of independence in the near future, then we
will be faced with a crazy security challenge within a week," warned
Gyurcsany, who reiterated the views of EU, U.S., and NATO leaders that "the
emancipation of Kosovo is an unstoppable process." UN Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon has issued similar warnings of instability. Gyurcsany, who met Russian
President Vladimir Putin in mid-July, said that "frankly...we [the EU] are
not going to have an agreement" with Russia about Kosova's future. Russia
has been Serbia's strongest ally and its opposition to Kosovar statehood
prompted the EU's leading powers and the United States in mid-July to abandon
hopes of a UN resolution (see "RFE/RL Newsline," July 23, 2007). Since
then, comments by the United States and EU states have focused on upcoming
bilateral talks between Belgrade and Prishtina, while stressing longer-standing
views that Kosova should be independent and that a decision may need to be made
outside the UN Security Council. Possible divisions emerged on July 25, when,
according to Serbian media, Austrian Chancellor Alfred Gusenbauer told the
Austrian daily "Kurier" that he advised "caution," saying
that a decision on the status of Kosova should be made by the UN Security
Council. AG
Dossier | |
Zogu i shkruan Mehdi beut |
RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE,
CZECH REPUBLIC
___________________________________________________________
RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 138, Part II, 30 July 2007
U.S., SERBIAN MINISTERS DISCUSS KOSOVA.
After meeting on July 27 with U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, Serbian
Foreign Minister Vuk Jeremic told Serbian journalists that the two countries
"have big differences when it comes to the future status of Kosovo"
but have now reestablished a constructive dialogue. On July 23, Kosovar leaders
met with Rice in Washington, during which, according to unconfirmed reports,
Rice reiterated the United States' strong public support for Kosovar statehood (see
"RFE/RL Newsline," July 24, 2007). Shortly before his meeting with
Rice, Jeremic told Serbian and international media that talks with a number of
leading members of the U.S. Congress convinced him that understanding for
Serbia's position has increased. The day before the meeting, Jeremic told AP
that he believes a growing number of European states "realize that the cost
of imposing a solution outside the [UN] Security Council is high, and [are]
therefore starting to think about whether there could be a more optimal
solution." Jeremic, Serbia's government, and its presidency earlier all
hailed a decision to abandon negotiations about Kosova in the UN as a victory
for Serbia, but they insist that any decision on Kosova's future must be
acceptable both to Serbia and the UN Security Council (see "RFE/RL Newsline,"
July 23, 2007). AG
GERMAN TO REPRESENT EU IN KOSOVA TALKS. The European Union on July 29
appointed a German diplomat, Wolfgang Ischinger, to represent it in negotiations
on the future status of Kosova, international media reported. Ischinger,
currently Germany's ambassador to Britain, will be one of three diplomats
leading efforts to broker an agreement between Belgrade and Prishtina on
Kosova's future. Ischinger was active in German diplomacy during the 1998-99
conflict in Kosova and within the Contact Group, a grouping of six states that
is now assuming responsibility for resolving Kosova's status. Ischinger will
speak for the four European members of the Contact Group: Britain, France,
Germany, and Italy. Another German diplomat, Joachim Ruecker, currently heads
the UN Mission in Kosova. Ischinger's appointment confirms reports in the
Kosovar media. The same reports have suggested that Russia will be represented
by its ambassador to the UN, Vitaly Churkin, and the United States by its envoy
to Kosova, Frank Wisner. AG
ETHNIC ALBANIANS ATTACKED IN KOSOVA. A booby trap placed in a
Serbian-dominated area of Kosova on July 27 damaged a bus but injured none of
its 10 passengers, all of whom were ethnic Albanians. Local and international
media reported that the trap triggered a hand grenade. Few details have been
released, but the bus was traveling between three relatively isolated
ethnic-Albanian villages: Koshtove, Bistrice, and Ceraje. There have been a
number of bomb and grenade attacks in Kosova in recent months: the apartment of
a policeman in Prishtina was firebombed in May; international forces in April
defused a bomb placed under a bridge; a hand grenade exploded in March in a
factory in another ethnic-Albanian village in the north; a spate of attacks
occurred in the town of Mitrovica in March; a grenade was thrown at a Serbian
Orthodox monastery in March; a student dormitory in Prishtina was attacked in
February; and vehicles belonging to the UN and the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) have been attacked on several occasions (see
"RFE/RL Newsline," February 20, 27, and 28, and March 28, 2007).
However, commanders of the international forces in the region have consistently
described the overall security situation in the contested region as
"stable." AG
KOSOVA TO HOLD ELECTIONS IN NOVEMBER. The head of the UN Mission in Kosova (UNMIK),
Joachim Ruecker, decided on July 26 that the UN-administered region should hold
local and parliamentary elections in November. Local media reported that Ruecker
reached the decision after fresh talks with Kosovar politicians. November had
long been chalked in as a date, but questions were asked about the advisability
of holding the elections as scheduled given the ongoing uncertainty about the
final status of Kosova. Similar concerns prompted Ruecker's predecessor, Soeren
Jessen-Petersen, to abandon plans for the elections to be held last November.
Ruecker indicated that a further postponement is possible, saying his decision
might be reviewed if holding elections could impede negotiations on Kosova's
future. The OSCE has said that more than four months are needed for the
elections to be "good," and Kosovar law stipulates a six-month
preparatory period for elections. Kosovar media reported that Ruecker intends to
amend that law in August. AG
Historia e qeverisjes shėnon 41 kryeministra e drejtues
shteti nė kėta 95 vjet, prej tė cilėve vetėm 2 janė tiranas autoktonė.
Vendin e parė nė drejtim e mbajnė gjirokastritėt qė kanė
nxjerrė 10 koka shteti. Myfid bej Libohova nga fshati qė mban mbiemrin,
Fejzi bej Alizoti, Eqerem bej Libohova, Enver Hoxha, Adil Ēarēani, Fatos
Nano, Pandeli Majko, Aleksandėr Meksi, Bashkim Fino dhe Omer Nishani janė tė
gjithė drejtuesit ndėr vite me origjinė gjirokastrite. Qyteti qė renditet
i dyti ėshtė Berati me katėr drejtues dhe tė tjerėt me radhė. "Mė
nė fund njė tironas nė krye tė shtetit". Kjo ka qenė fjalia mė e pėrdorur
lagjeve kryeqytetase, pėr presidentin e ri Bamir Topi. ModeletEdhe pse njė
vend i vogėl dhe pa traditė qeverisjeje Shqipėria ka provuar forma nga mė
tė ndryshmet e sistemeve tė drejtimit. Qė nga krijimi i shtetit shqiptar mė
28 nėntor 1912, vendi ka qenė protektorat ndėrkombėtar, monarki, regjimin
e partisėshtet si dhe republikėn parlamentare. Gjatė kėsaj periudhe
funksioni i Presidentit tė Republikės dhe i kryetarit tė shtetit ėshtė
ushtruar nė forma tė ndryshme. Qė mė 1912 Ismail Qemali ka qenė nė krye
tė qeverisė por kishte dhe kompetencat e kryetarit tė shtetit. Mė 6 shkurt
1914 Konferenca e Ambasadorėve emėroi princin Wilhelm Wied si kryetar tė
shtetit shqiptar, ndėrsa pas ikjes sė tij e deri mė 1920 kreu i qeverisė bėnte
dhe detyrėn e kreut tė shtetit. Format e qeverisjes varjojnė nė vitet mė
pas nė formėn e Kėshillit tė Lartė qė luante rolin e presidencės. Fan
Noli nė qeverisjen e tij tė shkurtėr ishte sėrish dhe kryetar shteti, ndėrsa
mė 31 janar 1925 Asambleja Kombėtare miratoi shpalljen e Shqipėrisė
republikė, kurse Ahmet Zogu ėshtė presidenti i parė nė kohėra. Pak vite
mė vonė mė 1 shtator 1928 Shqipėria u shpall monarki dhe Ahmet Zogu u
shpall mbret i shqiptarėve. Njė tjetėr mbret vjen pas tij, Viktor Emanueli,
ndėrsa Shqipėria pjesėn mė tė madhe tė viteve tė qeverisjes i kaloi nė
formėn shtet-parti. Qė pas 1925 mė 30 prill 1991, me zgjedhjen e
Presidentit tė parė tė Republikės parlamentare nga ana e njė Parlamenti
shumėpartiak, u krijua institucioni kushtetues i Presidentit tė Republikės.
E nė vargun e gjatė tė drejtuesve tė shtetit dhe qeverive, Bamir Topi ėshtė
i dyti tiranas autoktonė nė drejtim. ParaardhėsiFigura e Esat pashė Toptanit mbetet edhe sot njė
ndėr mė pikantet nė politikėn shqiptare. Ai ėshtė dominant qė nė
krijimin e qeverisė sė parė shqiptare mė 1912 nė Vlorė. Menjėherė pas
aktit tė madh Fuqitė e Mėdha morėn nė duar fatet e Shqipėrisė
pas-osmane. Njė komision prej shtatė anėtarėsh pėrfaqėsues tė gjashtė
Fuqive tė Mėdha dhe njė shqiptar u ngarkuan me detyrėn e administrimit tė
Shqipėrisė. Ky komision duhej qė tė shpėrndante "autoritetet
ekzistuese", ndėr tė tjera qeverinė e Vlorės, duhej tė pėrpunonte
njė "statut organik" dhe pastaj tė organizonte njė forcė ndėrkombėtare
xhandarmėrie pėr tė rivendosur rendin. Sunduesi i ri i Shqipėrisė do tė
ishte njė princ i zgjedhur drejtpėrdrejt nga Fuqitė e Mėdha. Nė qershor
1913, trupat e fundit turke u larguan nga Shqipėria dhe vendi ngeli pa ndonjė
qeveri reale. Qeveria e Vlorės nuk u njihte nga askush dhe diplomati francez
Pol Kambon (Paul Cambon) e quante atė "ndėrmarrje austriake".
Pushteti i Shqipėrisė nė kėto rrethana ishte ndarė nė dy zona kryesore.
Ai i Durrėsit i udhėhequr nga Esat pashė Toptani dhe ai i Vlorės nga
Ismail Bej Vlora. Qarku i qeverisė sė Vlorės u pėrbėnte
nga elemente pa ndonjė peshė ekonomike si Mihal Grameno, Luigj Gurakuqi,
Terenc Toci, Qamil Haxhifeza ndryshe nga Qarku i Durrėsit qė pėrbėhej nga
aristokracia e Shqipėrisė sė Mesme qė kishte forcė e pushtet. Esat Pashė Toptani mė 12 tetor 1913 formoi
Pleqėsinė e Shqipėrisė sė Mesme pėr tė administruar vendin dhe pėr
ti treguar Komisionit Ndėrkombėtar tė Kontrollit (KNK) qė po vinte pėr
nė Shqipėri pėr tė caktuar fatet e vendit se kush ishte nė kontroll tė
situatės. Pleqėsia e Shqipėrisė sė Mesme pėrbehej nga
personalitete si Mehdi Frashėri, Josif Bageri, Dervish Hima, Mithat Frashėri
dhe Faik Konica. Kėshtu Esat Pasha u kthye shpejt nė lider, duke respektuar
mendimin e tė huajve, por nga ana tjetėr duke nxitur popullin kundėr
regjimit tė Vidit. Ai u bė lider i opozitės, qė i dha fund udhėheqjes sė
Vidit nė Shqipėri dhe u vu si kryeministėr pėr njė vit pas ikjes sė
princit. Ka qenė deputet i Shqipėrisė nė Parlamentin osman dhe u emėrua
mbret nė Apsentia pėr pak ditė nė qershorin e vitit 1920, para vrasjes sė
tij nė Francė.ShtetiVitet 1920 mund ti quajmė periudha kur shteti
shqiptar mori njė formė tė caktuar, pasi u vunė piketat pėr shumė
probleme tė kohės. Nė janar tė 1920, Tirana u shpall kryeqytet i vendit
dhe qeveria e dalė prej kongresit qė kryesohej nga Sulejman pashė Delvina u
vendos nė Tiranė. Vitet 20 shėnojnė njė destabilitet pėr sa i pėrket
qeverisė deri nė vitin 1925, ku pati qėndrueshmėri. Pas qeverisjes
relativisht tė shkurtėr tė Delvinės postin e mori Iljas bej Vrioni, i cili
u pasua nga Pandeli Evangjeli, i zgjedhur kryeministėr mė 1921. Pikėrisht nė
kėtė kohė pas ikjes sė tij formohet qeveria mė e shkurtėr e kohėrave,
qeveria njėditore e Qazim Koculit. Po nė vitin 1921 emėrohet kryeministėr
Hasan bej Prishtina dhe vetėm pas pak kohėsh nė krye tė detyrės ai u zėvendėsua
nga Omer pashė Vrioni. Qeverisja e Xhafer Ypit pason lėvizjet e njėpasnjėshme,
ndėrsa pas tij pushtetin e merr nė dorė Ahmet Zogu, qė qeveris pėr afro 2
vjet. Brenda vitit 1924 ndėrrohen pesė qeveri dhe 4 kryeministra, duke e
nisur me Zogun, Shefqet Vėrlacin, Iljas bej Vrionin nė mandatin e tij tė
dytė, Fan Nolin dhe pėrsėri Iljas bej Vrioni nė mandatin e tretė. Nė
vitin 1925, pas revolucionit tė qershorit qeverinė e rimerr Ahmet Zogu, deri
nė vitin 1928 kur Shqipėria u shpall mbretėri dhe Zogu mbret i shqiptarėve.
Deri nė vitin 1939 ndėrrohen 4 qeveri dhe tre kryeministra. Kjo ėshtė njė
histori e shkurtėr e kryetarėve tė shtetit dhe qeverive, ku tiranas
autoktonė janė vetėm dy, Esat Pasha dhe Bamir Topi.
Ceremonia te Brigadat, batutat e Berishės nė vapėn e tmerrshme
Vendosur: 25/07/2007 -
11:39
Pesė
minuta mė vonė se protokolli ka mbėrritur nė Pallatin e Brigadave
presidenti i ri i Shqipėrisė, Bamir Topi.
Rezarta Delisula
I pritur nga Marshi i Takimit, luajtur nga banda e ushtrisė, ka nisur
ceremonia e marrjes sė detyrės nga presidenti i ri.Ndėrkaq deputetėt dhe tė
pranishmit, tė gjithė tė djersitur nga vapa kanė pritur me duartrokitje
ardhjen e Topit. I pranishėm ka qenė lideri socialist Edi Rama, lideri i
LSI-sė Ilir Meta, Fatos Nano, Neritan Ceka e Paskal Milo. I vetmi qė ka
munguar nė ceremoninė e marrjes sė detyrės sė presidentit ka qenė
socialdemokrati Skėnder Gjinushi.
Valeria
Teksa nė Pallatin e Brigadave garda dhe banda e ushtrisė po bėnin provat pėr
pritjen e presidentit tė ri Bamir Topit, nė sfond DJ (njeriu qė luan muzikė)
kishte vėnė kėngėn e Elsa Lilės tė kėnduar nė Sanremo Valeria,
ku shoqja i merr tė dashurin shoqes sė ngushtė. Pas njė lėvizje dore tė
shefit tė protokollit nisi pėrgatitja e bandės sė ushtrisė dhe muzika u
ndėrpre. Ora shėnon 18:45 dhe tė parėt qė mbėrrijnė nė Pallatin e
Brigadave janė deputetė demokratė rebelė, Spartak Ngjela dhe Gilman
Bakalli tė ndjekur disa minuta mė vonė nga Baba Reshat Bardhi dhe Blerim Ēela.
Dy vajza nė hyrje ndajnė tė ftuarit sipas tribunave. Tek A janė vendosur
trupi diplomatik, miqtė e presidentit tė ri, komunitetet fetare, ndėrsa te
plateja B janė vendosur deputetėt e Parlamentit. Njerėzit e ligjeve, kreu i
KQZ Ēlirim Gjata dhe Thimio Kondi vijnė sė bashku dhe pas tyre rreth orės
19:00 vjen familja e presidentit, gruaja, vajzat, babai, vėllezėrit dhe tė
afėrmit e tjerė. E para qė mbėrrin nga deputetėt socialistė ėshtė
Valentina Leskaj, e cila veshur me njė kostum tė hijshėm qėndron vetėm nė
plate, teksa pėrshėndet nė mėnyrė tė vazhdueshme deputetėt e sapombėrritur
tė PD-sė. Sipas protokollit, nė orėn 19:15 tė gjithė tė ftuarit duhej tė
zinin vendet dhe ministrat e PD-sė erdhėn nė limitin maksimal. Pas Vali
Leskajt erdhi njė nga njerėzit qė bėnė president Bamir Topin, Taulant
Dedja i cili kishte marrė me vete dhe tė birin. Sigurisht qė vota e tij ka
fituar simpatinė nė PD, e kjo duket nga mėnyra e pėrshėndetjeve tė pėrzemėrta
mes tij dhe deputetėve tė djathtė. Edhe kryeprokurori i vendit, Theodhori
Sollaku, ka qenė i pranishėm nė ceremoninė presidenciale dhe hyri nė tė
njėjtėn kohė me ish-ministrin Sokol Olldashi. Sigurisht qė njė pjesė e
deputetėve tė PD-sė u habitėn nga prania e tė ashtuquajturit kurban
bajrami presidencial. Grupet e deputetėve duket se ishin vendosur rastėsisht
ashtu. Musa Ulqini ishte afėr Preē Zogajt, ndėrsa Sollaku u afrua te Thimio
Kondi. Ilir Meta me Majkon dhe Nanon ishin ngjitur, ndėrsa Taulant Dedja
ndenji afėr Besnik Mustafajt. Nė ceremoni ishin ftuar dhe princi
Leka, pasi mbreti Leka nuk mund tė ishte prezent pėr arsye shėndetėsore,
ishin ftuar kontribuuesit e sport klub Tiranės, Lutfi Nuri, Shefikat Ngjela
dhe lojtari Alban Tafaj si dhe shumė tė tjerė. Trupi diplomatik ishte mė i
rregullti nė zbatimin e orareve protokollare. Pak pasi erdhėn deputetėt
socialistė Ermelinda Meksi, Arta Dade, Besnik Dervishi, Pandeli Majko, Namik
Dokle e Servet Pėllumbi nė Pallatin e Brigadave mbėrriti kreu i LSI-sė,
Ilir Meta, i cili u kthye nga rruga pėr ti dhėnė dorėn ish-presidentit
Rexhep Mejdani. Mė pas ai takoi Lulzim Bashėn dhe zėvendėskryeministrin,
Gazmend Oketa. Nė orėn 19:20 vjen lideri i PS-sė Edi Rama bashkė me Ben
Blushin, tė cilėt u pozicionuan afėr disa deputetėve tė PS dhe
kryebashkiakut tė Durrėsit Dako.
Batutat
Edhe kryeministri Berisha shkeli protokollin qė shkruante se nė orėn 19:15
do tė sistemoheshin tė gjithė tė ftuarit. I shoqėruar nga zonja Liri
Berisha ai mbėrriti mė 19:20. Berisha takoi tė parin Ylli Bufin dhe zonjėn
e tij pastaj u dha dorėn Meidanit, Metės dhe Dokles. Ju paskan vėnė ēiftet
mė elegantė nė krye, lėshon batutėn kryeministri pėr Gazmend Oketėn,
Fatos Bejėn, Lulzim Bashėn, Jozefina Topallin dhe Majlinda Bregun tė cilėt
kishin ardhur tė shoqėruar nga bashkėshortėt respektivė. I fundit qė ka
mbėrritur nga tė ftuarit ishte ish-kryeministri Fatos Nano. Ai kaloi para
deputetėve qė kishte zėnė vend, ndėrsa Taulant Dedja i thotė: Po ku
je o yll bote. E menjėherė pas kėsaj batute Edi Rama bashkė me Lul Bashėn
e tė tjerėt nisėn tė qeshnin. Pak momente para se ish-presidenti Mojisiu tė
futej nė Pallatin e Brigadave, familja e Bamirit u afrua nė platenė e rėndėsishme.
Babai i Bamirit nė moshė tė madhe e i sėmurė mezi mbahej nė kėmbė.
Mjeku i njohur Flamur Topi njėkohėsisht dhe vėllai i presidentit i jep dorėn
i pari kryeministrit, por Berisha ia largon dhe ia zgjat babait sipas zakoneve
shqiptare qė nė fillim takohen mė tė mėdhenjtė. Rregullat e ushtarakut
duket se si ka harruar ish-presidenti i cili i shoqėruar nga katėr motoēikletat
presidenciale erdhi njė minutė para orarit tė caktuar, pra mė 19:29.
Alfred Mojisiu kaloi para deputetėve me kokėn drejt dhe nuk pėrshėndeti
asnjė, ndėrsa mė 19:35 vjen presidenti i ri, Bamir Topi, pas komandės gjatė
sė cilės pati dhe njė defekt audio. Gjatė ekzekutimit tė himnit tė
flamurit i vetmi qė vuri dorėn nė zemėr ishte Gazmend Oketa. Sipas
protokollit, i pari e mori fjalėn presidenti Alfred Mojsiu i cili do i dorėzonte
detyrėn presidentit tė ri.
Tmerri
Teksa ka nisur fjalimin e tij Moisiu, plateja B pra ana e politikės ndjehej mė
e vaposur sepse pėr mė shumė se 30 minuta ata qėndronin ngjitur me njėri-tjetrin.
Kryeministri Berisha i dashur dhe i qeshur me gazetarėt i thotė se nuk ėshtė
se ata skanė blloqe po nuk ua lejon protokolli tė bėjnė fresk. Gjendja
u bė paksa alarmante pėr tė atin e Bamirit, i cili veē vapės nuk mbahej
dot as mė kėmbė. Teksa Moisiu mbante fjalimin Berisha ia ka bėrė me shenjė
njė rojėje pėr ti afruar njė karrige plakut tė sėmurė. Dhe porosia e
tij u zbatua menjėherė, ndėrsa babai i Bamirit tė paktėn u ul. Edhe pse
sua lejonte protokolli njė pjesė e mirė e deputetėve hoqėn xhaketat,
ndėrsa Berisha e vetmja tentativė qė bėri pėr dy-tri herė ishte hapja e
kopsave tė xhaketės. Vapės sė padurueshme iu shtua dhe fjalimi qė sipas mėrmėrimave
tė disa deputetėve, ishte paksa i gjatė, shtoi kėtė dhe pėrkthimin
anglisht pėr trupin diplomatik. Pikėrisht nė kėtė situatė kryeministrit
Berisha iu desh tė mbante qetėsinė sepse Jozefina Topalli qė ishte pranė
tij herė pas here lėshonte ndonjė batutė qė e bėnte pėr tė qeshur, ndėrsa
kryeministri kafshonte buzėn dhe i thoshte; shshshshshėėt. Nė momentin kur
Bamir Topi mori fjalėn qetėsia u bė absolute e pėr fat fjalimi nuk ishte
aq i gjatė. Pas largimit tė ish-presidentit Moisiu, Bamir Topi, presidenti i
ri i vendit mori gruan dhe dy vajzat dhe u fut i pari nė Pallatin e Brigadave.
Pas tij u afrua familja e tė gjithė tė ftuarit pėr tė marrė pjesė nė
pritjen zyrtare. Referuar sėrish fjalės sė ish-presidentit Moisiu, kjo
ishte ceremonia e dytė presidenciale e organizuar kaq mirė nė kėto vite
demokraci.
RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE,
CZECH REPUBLIC
___________________________________________________________
RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 137, Part II, 27 July 2007
ALBANIA'S SOCIALISTS EXPEL FORMER PREMIER...
Fatos Nano, a three-time prime minister of Albania, was expelled on July 25
by the party he once led, the Socialist Party. Local media reported on April 25
and 26 that the party's current leader, Edi Rama, made the decision after Nano
acknowledged that he had urged a handful of Socialist members of parliament to
break ranks with their party and abandon a boycott of the presidential elections.
Their rebellion proved decisive in ensuring that the deputy leader of the
Socialists' chief rival, the Democrat Party, became Albania's president (see
"RFE/RL Newsline," July 23, 2007). Bamir Topi needed 84 votes to
secure election; with the support of the Socialist rebels, he won 85 votes. The
Socialist Party had already expelled the other rebels. Nano himself ran for
president in an earlier round despite the opposition of his own party (see
"RFE/RL Newsline," April 11, May 14, and June 20, 2007). He won just
three votes (see "RFE/RL Newsline," July 10, 2007). Nano has now
reportedly said that he will form a new political party. The presidential vote
has prompted a crisis within the Socialist Party, which emerged victorious from
local elections held in February and had been preparing for general elections in
the expectation that the presidential election would produce no victor (see
"RFE/RL Newsline," June 11, 2007). AG
...AND BOYCOTTS PRESIDENT'S INAUGURATION. Albania's Socialist Party on
July 24 boycotted the inauguration of Topi as the country's president. According
to local media, the first people whose hands Topi shook after his swearing-in
was those of Nano and other Socialist Party rebels whose decision to back Topi
proved decisive to Topi's election. In his inaugural speech, Topi called for
political unity in order to meet the "historic challenge" on its
"irreversible path toward the Euro-Atlantic family" and membership of
the EU. Topi underlined his call by making his speech under an EU flag. Topi
also underscored Albania's support for the independence of neighboring Kosova,
90 percent of whose population is ethnic Albanian. "I am convinced that
Kosovo's independence is a guarantee of peace and stability in the region,"
Topi said. Topi addressed "special thanks" to the United States, which
he said "was the first to hail" his election. Reports immediately
after Topi's election on July 20 indicated that the first foreign politician to
congratulate Topi was Kosovar President Fatmir Sejdiu. Topi reached out to the
opposition, saying: "I guarantee them that they will be given the necessary
room to take part in reforms to consolidate and balance independent and
constitutional institutions" and "I am inclined to believe and
encourage the ruling political parties to...offer the opposition the democratic
space necessary to implement reforms of our institutions, economy, and our
social life." Topi said the focus of reform should be the judiciary. AG
RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE,
CZECH REPUBLIC
___________________________________________________________
RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 136, Part II, 26 July 2007
CONTACT GROUP HOLDS TALKS ON ROAD MAP FOR
KOSOVA. Diplomats from the six countries that have led international
diplomatic efforts in the Balkans since the mid-1990s -- Britain, France,
Germany, Italy, Russia, and the United States -- on July 25 agreed to start a
new round of talks on the future of Kosova, but failed to agree on a deadline,
according to unconfirmed reports in the international media. On July 20, Western
powers abandoned efforts to forge a consensus in the UN Security Council,
concluding that the Contact Group should take the diplomatic lead in searching
for a solution (see "RFE/RL Newsline," July 23, 2007). The Contact
Group reportedly concluded that a troika of mediators -- from the EU, Russia,
and the United States -- should first embark on shuttle diplomacy between
Belgrade and Prishtina and then, if possible, convene bilateral talks between
Belgrade and Prishtina. Brussels and Washington had wanted talks to last for no
more than 120 days, a demand reportedly rejected by Moscow. Russia rejected a
similar suggestion during talks held within the framework of the United Nations.
Media reports have suggested that direct talks between Kosovar and Serbian
leaders could begin as early as August. The Contact Group's talks, which were
held in Berlin, were preceded by a range of talks and signals: U.S. officials
have reiterated their commitment to independence for Kosova, possibly by the end
of the year; the Serbian parliament on July 24 promised to "respond
immediately and energetically" if the United States and EU states recognize
Kosova as independent without UN support; and Serbia and Russia have both
welcomed the Contact Group's decision to lead diplomatic efforts, but insist
that any final decision on Kosova's future must be made by the UN Security
Council. U.S. doubts about the value of returning the question of Kosova's
future to the UN were expressed on July 24 by the U.S. envoy to Kosova, Frank
Wisner, who told reporters that "based on last week's experience, I simply
don't think it [a return to Security Council] would be a useful path." AG
UN KOSOVA ENVOY SAYS HIS MISSION IS OVER... The UN envoy who recommended
that Kosova be granted independence, Martti Ahtisaari, told Finnish public
broadcaster Yle on July 25 that he believes his "work is done," and
that neither the UN nor the Contact Group have asked him to continue as a
mediator. The former Finnish president said, however, that he would be willing
to take on "a role as consultant" if asked. Ahtisaari also said he
expects the issue of Kosova to return to the UN and that "everyone involved
hopes there will be a resolution after these talks." Ahtisaari has
consistently been attacked by Serbia and Russia since he presented the plan in
early February, both for allegedly not acting as an honest broker and for his
recommendations, which would end Serbia's nominal sovereignty over the
UN-administered region. Some of those reservations were voiced again in recent
days by Serbian Foreign Minister Vuk Jeremic, who told the July 24 edition of
the Serbian daily "Vecernje novosti" that Ahtisaari "did not do
his job well, as the solution was not the result of a compromise. I do not think
it would be good to go on with the old envoy." Ahtisaari took up the role
of UN envoy in November 2005, but failed to broker an agreement between Belgrade
and Prishtina in the ensuing 14 months. The Contact Group did not name a
successor to Ahtisaari when it met on July 25. AG
...BUT EU INSISTS AHTISAARI PLAN IS FRAMEWORK FOR KOSOVA SOLUTION. However,
the head of the European Commission, Jose Manuel Barroso, on July 24 became the
latest of a series of European leaders and officials to insist that any solution
for Kosova "should be found in the framework of the Ahtisaari plan,"
international media reported. U.S. Kosova envoy Wisner expressed a similar view,
telling the Kosovar Albanian daily "Express" on July 25 that
Washington would not agree to the reopening of key aspects of the Ahtisaari
package -- "the provisions on the municipalities, churches, international
civil supervision, the presence of NATO...." However, the paper reported
that Wisner indicated there is room for talks on a number of issues, including
the return of refugees and future relations between Kosova and Serbia. In the
four months between Ahtisaari's submission of his recommendation and the failure
of efforts to forge a consensus in the UN, Western powers have gradually
softened their initially adamantine support for Ahtisaari's plans in a number of
ways, agreeing, for instance, to a further fact-finding mission and then to
additional bilateral talks on Kosova's future. According to Serbian media
reports, during the debate that culminated in a resolution adopted by the
Serbian parliament on July 24 in which it vowed never to cede sovereignty over
Kosova, Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica hailed the withdrawal of the UN
resolution as a victory for Serbia after "a long, trench-like battle"
and concluded that "Ahtisaari's era is finally over and his plan now
belongs to the past." In his interview with "Vecernje novosti,"
Serbian Foreign Minister Jeremic was less definitive in his judgment, saying
that there is a "diminishing degree of support" for the Ahtisaari
plan. "Initially many countries supported that plan," he said. "Then
we reached a stage in which they supported Ahtisaari's efforts, and now we have
come to a situation of having Ahtisaari's efforts being used as a basis."
AG
RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE,
CZECH REPUBLIC
___________________________________________________________
RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 135, Part II, 25 July 2007
SERBIAN PARLIAMENT VOWS NOT TO GIVE UP
KOSOVA. The Serbian parliament on July 24 overwhelmingly approved a
government-sponsored resolution rejecting any move toward independence for
Kosova, local and international media reported. Of the 232 lawmakers present,
only 12 voted against the resolution, with another three abstaining. The
resolution warns that unilateral recognition of Kosova's independence would have
"unforeseeable consequences for regional stability," and calls on the
government to respond "immediately and energetically" to such moves by
any government. During the eight-hour debate leading up to the vote, Prime
Minister Vojislav Kostunica told deputies that "any unilateral recognition
would represent a policy of force and legal violence." The vote followed
the withdrawal by the United States, the United Kingdom, and France of a draft
UN Security Council resolution on Kosova's status, a move hailed by Kostunica as
"an important victory for Serbia and a result of the joint policy of Serbia
and Russia aimed at protecting the UN Charter and defending our state's
sovereignty and territorial integrity" (see "RFE/RL Newsline,"
July 23, 2007). Kostunica went on to say that "an even more difficult
battle" now lies ahead. The vote came on the eve of a meeting scheduled for
July 25 in Vienna by representatives of the Contact Group, comprising Russia,
the United States, and four EU countries. The Contact Group is now expected to
be the main venue for diplomacy regarding Kosova in the coming months, following
the withdrawal of the draft Security Council resolution. TV
RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE,
CZECH REPUBLIC
___________________________________________________________
RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 134, Part II, 24 July 2007
KOSOVA REASSURES U.S. ON DECLARATION OF
INDEPENDENCE. Kosova Prime Minister Agim Ceku on July 23 assured U.S.
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice that Kosova's political leadership will
"remain close partners of both the United States and the European Union in
bringing the independence process to a close," a Kosovar spokesman, Skender
Hyseni, told international media. An unnamed senior U.S. official quoted by
Reuters said Ceku stated that Kosova will not declare independence unilaterally
in November and that Rice urged Kosovar leaders to be patient, while also
underscoring Washington's commitment to Kosova's eventual independence. On July
20, Ceku said November 28 is his preferred date for independence (see "RFE/RL
Newsline," July 23, 2007). Also on July 20, Western powers decided to move
the focus of diplomatic efforts from the UN to the six-member Contact Group that
has for the past decade spearheaded international efforts in the Balkans. The
group comprises the United States, Russia, and four European states. The group
is due to meet on July 25. EU foreign ministers discussed Kosova at a meeting on
July 23, ahead of which ministers from a several countries stressed the need for
European unity, international media reported. AG
SERBIA, KOSOVA SUFFER IN HEAT WAVE. The mayor of Prishtina, the Kosovar
capital, on July 23 declared a state of emergency in response to fears that
soaring temperatures could strain supplies of drinking water, local media
reported. Reservoirs that feed the drinking-water system are reportedly 7-8
meters lower than usual. Temperatures of more than 40 degrees Celsius have
produced scores of fires across the province in recent days, but only Prishtina
has announced a state of emergency. Forest fires are also raging in central and
eastern Serbia, prompting Defense Minister Dragan Sutanovac on July 22 to ask
Bulgaria and Greece for help. However, both countries face similar challenges
themselves: temperatures are at record highs across Bulgaria, while Greek
authorities have ascribed at least 15 deaths to the heat, which also sparked a
devastating forest fire near Athens. Sutanovac told local media that Serbia
might ask Austria, Germany, and Russia for help. AG
http://www.gazeta-shqip.com/artikull.php?id=23321 24/07/2007
Partia Demokratike pėrgatitet qė nė shtator tė bėjė lėvizjet nėpėr sekretariate dhe tė zėvendėsojė Topin brenda PD-sė
Biberaj: Nė shtator, ndryshime brenda PD-sė
Mustafaj, Imami, Patozi, Biberaj dhe Beja, mė favoritėt pėr poste
Shtatori do tė jetė muaji mė i "nxehtė" pėr
Partinė Demokratike. Pas pushimeve tė gushtit, deputetėt e djathtė do i
rikthehen deklaratės sė Kryeministrit Berisha pėr tė ndryshuar sekretariatin
e partisė, por edhe pėr tė zėvendėsuar dy postet e lėna nga Bamir Topi si
nėnkryetar i PD-sė dhe kryetar i grupit parlamentar. Beteja brenda
partisė mė tė madhe pėr ndarjen e posteve partiake ėshtė konfirmuar se do
tė zhvillohet nė shtator nga deputeti i PD-sė, Aleksandėr Biberaj. Fillimi i
vjeshtės do tė jetė definitiv pėr ndarjen e mandateve partiake. Ende nė
dilemė ėshtė ndarja e posteve ministrore nga ato partiake, ku rrezikojnė tė
lėnė postet nė parti, ministrat, Bode dhe Rusmali. Dy emra kėto tė
konsideruar si besnikė tė Kryeministrit Berisha.
Megjithėse ende nuk ka asgjė zyrtare se cilėt do tė jenė emrat qė do tė
marrin funksionet e Topit nė Partinė Demokratike pas kalimit tė kėtij tė
fundit drejt Presidencės, brenda selisė blu kanė qarkulluar emrat e parė qė
do tė jenė pjesė e garės nė shtator, me qėllim mirėfunksionimin e partisė
nė pushtet.
Kandidatėt
Tė privilegjuar pėr poste tė rėndėsishme brenda sekretariatit tė partisė
mė tė madhe janė edhe ish-ministrat e larguar nga kabineti qeveritar, si Aldo
Bumēi, Arenca Trashani dhe Bujar Leskaj. Ndėrsa emrat e tjerė brenda PD-sė pėr
tė zėvendėsuar Topin dhe pėr tė marrė nė dorė sekretariatin e PD-sė janė
Besnik Mustafaj, Arben Imami, Astrit Patozi, Fatos Beja dhe Aleksandėr Biberaj.
Nėnkryetari i PD-sė do tė jetė zgjedhje ekskluzive e vet Kryeministrit
Berisha, ndėrkohė qė pėr ndarjen e posteve nėpėr sekretariate do tė dėgjohet
edhe mendimi i forumeve tė demokratėve.
Ndryshimet
"Tė kalojnė pushimet verore dhe nė muajin shtator Kuvendi rifillon punėn
dhe vazhdojnė reformat, kėshtu qė kemi kohė", tha deputeti i PD-sė,
Aleksandėr Biberaj, lidhur me ndryshimet brenda partisė nė pushtet. Demokratėt
e shikojnė se PD-ja ka nevojė pėr ndryshime tė thella, megjithėse kėto lėvizje
u paralajmėruan pas zgjedhjeve lokale tė 2007-ės, mė pas u lanė pas vizitės
sė Presidentit amerikan, Xhorxh Bush, dhe tashmė pas pushimeve verore, nė
fund tė shtatorit. Pas zgjedhjes sė Topit nė postin e Presidentit tė ri tė
Republikės, ai ka paraqitur pasditen e tė dielės nė mbledhjen e Kryesisė sė
PD-sė, dorėheqjen nga tė gjitha postet partiake, si dhe nga posti i kryetarit
tė Grupit Parlamentar tė PD-sė dhe nėnkryetarit tė saj. "Ndryshimet nė
sekretariatin e Partisė Demokratike, si dhe zgjedhja e nėnkryetarit tė partisė
do tė bėhen gjatė muajit shtator", tha Biberaj.
Statuti
Duke iu referuar statutit tė Partisė Demokratike, ajo ka dy nėnkryetarė, tė
cilėt zgjidhen sipas pėrcaktimeve tė nenit 41 tė statutit tė PD-sė. Nė
mungesė tė zgjatur tė kryetarit dhe me autorizim tė tij, njeri prej tyre zėvendėson
kryetarin. Nė mungesė tė kėtij autorizimi nė rast se kryetari dorėhiqet,
sekretari i Pėrgjithshėm mbledh Kėshillin Kombėtar, i cili komandon nėnkryetarin
qė do tė drejtojė partinė deri nė vendimin pėrfundimtar tė Kuvendit Kombėtar.
Kryetari i grupit parlamentar ėshtė njėri prej tyre, ndėrsa nėnkryetari
tjetėr ėshtė i deleguari i kryetarit. Ky statut mund tė rishikohet nga
Kuvendi i partisė me shumicėn absolute tė anėtarėve tė tij, sipas
propozimeve tė kryesisė sė partisė, sė njė tė katėrtės sė anėtarėve
tė Kėshillit Kombėtar, pas mendimeve tė dhėna nga komisioni i pėrhershėm
i statutit.
Tė privilegjuar pėr poste tė rėndėsishme brenda sekretariatit tė PD-sė
janė edhe ish-ministrat e kabinetit qeveritar, si Aldo Bumēi, Arenca Trashani
dhe Bujar Leskaj
"Beteja" brenda partisė mė tė madhe pėr ndarjen e posteve partiake
ėshtė konfirmuar se do tė zhvillohet nė shtator nga deputeti i PD-sė,
Aleksandėr Biberaj
Moisiu firmos rritjen nė detyrė tė
5 ambasadorėve
|
24/07/2007 Kandidati
pėr President Zaimi, merr rritje nė gradė me propozim tė Berishės Presidenti Alfred Moisiu njėkohėsisht dhe Komandat i Forcave tė Armatosura, Alfred Moisiu vetėm 4 ditė nga mbarimi i mandatit, ka firmosur ndryshimet mė tė fundit nė drejtimin e ushtrisė shqiptare. Me dekretin e tij ėshtė liruar nga detyra Gjeneral Brigade Ali Koēeku, ndėrsa kėtė gradė tashmė do ta mbajė Zija Zyber Bahja si dhe Agim Lala. Rritje nė gradė ka marrė dhe kandidati pėr President konsensual Arian Zaimi. Edhe pse nuk arriti tė votohej si president konsensual, Zaimi ka marrė gradėn e lartė Gjeberal Major. Propozimet Rreth dy javė mė parė kryeministri Berisha me propozim tė Ministrit tė Mbrojtjes Fatmir Mediu ka vendosur tė kėrkojė rritjen nė detyre tė pesė ushtaraėve madhorė. Ndėrsa emrat janė propozuar pėr dekretim, politika u pėrfshi nga debati pėr zgjedhjen e Presidentit tė Republikės. Ndėrsa dy muaj mė parė nė media u theksua dhe pengesa e dekretimit tė gjeneralėve pėr shkak tė pėrplasjeve mes ministrisė sė Mbrojtjes dhe Presidentit. Gjithsesi vendimi i Moisiut pėr tė firmosur rritjen nė detyrė tė 5 ushtarakėve tė lartė, ka shėnuar dje njė konsensus mes Berishės si kryeministėr dhe Moisiun si President. Kjo dhe pse nė ceremonialin e dekretimit nuk ka qenė Berisha, por vetėm ministri Mediu. Kandidimi Vetėm 20 ditė mė parė Moisiu dhe Zaimi kanė kandiduar mes tyre pėr postin e Presidentit tė Republikės. Konkurrim qė pėrfundoi me fitoren e gjeneral Zaimit, i cili ėshtė atashe i Shqipėrisė pranė NATO. Edhe pse partitė parlamentare ranė dakord mbi emrin e Zaimit, ka qenė kandidimi i Fatos Nanos qė ka kthyer konkurrimin pėr President sipas pėrcaktimeve tė Kushtetutės. Kėshtu pėrballja mes Nanos e Topit, i cili tashmė ėshtė zgjedhur si president i vendit, ka eliminuar konsensualin Zaimi. Megjithatė ky i fundit ka marrė njė gradė mė shumė duke shėnuar njė tjetėr arritje nė karrierėn e tij ushtarake. Kolonel Zija Zyber Bahja, i jepet grada madhore Gjeneral Brigada Kolonel Agim Beqir Lala, i jepet grada madhore Gjeneral Brigade Gjeneral Brigade Shpėtim Faik Spahiu, i jepet grada madhore Gjeneral Major Gjeneral Brigade Arian Zaimi, i jepet grada madhore Gjeneral Major. Gjeneral Major Luan Ramiz Hoxha, i jepet grada madhore Gjeneral Lejtnant Gjeneral Brigade Ali Koēeku, nxirret nė lirim |
Keni ndėrtuar njė libėr, i cili ka historinė e
tij. I titulluar Lufta e fundit, pronat e shqiptarėve nė Greqi, ėshtė
njėkohėsisht libri juaj i parė. Si mbėrritėt nė kėtė formė tė re
komunikimi me audiencėn, pas shumė editorialesh apo edhe leksionesh nė
Universitet?
Libri siē mund tė imagjinohet ėshtė njė formė mė e qėndrueshme
komunikimi ideor me atė qė ju e quani audiencė dhe pėr tė arritur tek kjo
formė duhet sigurisht mė shumė punė, mė shumė studim. Qė do tė thotė
mė shumė kohė pėrgatitje. Libri i nėnshtrohet njė verifikimi mė serioz,
njė gjykimi mė kompetent ndėr vite. Veē asaj ky ėshtė konceptuar si njė
libėr qė duhet tė rezistojė gjatė nė kohė dhe jo njė stinė apo disa
stinė. Pėr pasojė jam i lumtur qė kam nxjerrė nė dritė tė paktėn njė
libėr qė mendoj se do tė mbijetojė nė kohė dhe do tė hapė njė pistė
tė rėndėsishme pėr libra tė reja mbi atė temė. Madje shpresoj dhe pėr
veprim politik apo juridik. Jam i favorizuar dhe prej mbėshtetjes sė njė
universiteti tė ri si Universiteti Europian i Tiranės, qė nxit kėrkimin
shkencor qė nė vitet e para tė jetės sė tij. Drejtuesit e tij mė nxitėn
tė botoj librin dhe vetė puna nė kėtė universitet, bashkė me pedagogėt
e tij ėshtė me tė vėrtetė stimuluese.
Pra, jemi nė njė pėrballje tjetėr me Greqinė.
Ju thoni se kemi ende edhe njė Luftė tė fundit me tė, zgjidhjen e
ēėshtjes sė kėtyre pronave. Ējanė kėto prona? Mund tė pretendojmė
ende pėr zgjidhjen e kėsaj ēėshtje, kur ka kaluar afro njė shekull?
Nė fakt njė pjesė e mirė e kėtyre pronave janė grabitur pas
luftės sė parė botėrore; (ndarja e tokave tė Perandorisė otomane ku
banonin shqiptarėt) midis viteve 20-30, (spastrimet apo shkėmbimet e
popullsive; reformat e ndryshme agrare tė padrejta) gjatė luftės sė dytė
botėrore me ligjin e luftės, dhe po ashtu pas luftės (pronat e ēamėve dhe
tė kolonjarėve tė pėrzėnė gjatė luftės civile greke). Ju keni tė
drejtė ndėrsa flisni pėr faktorin kohė si faktor qė dėmton apo mbyll
perspektivėn e zgjidhjes. Por koha bėn dhe kapriēio: jemi nė njė kohė
kur statusi i shqiptarėve si komb ka pėrparuar ndjeshėm. Janė disa luftėra
qė ata po i fitojnė, nė Kosovė, nė Maqedoni, etj. Kemi nė anėn tonė si
kurrė ndonjėherė, mė qartėsisht se kurrė mė parė njė aleat tė madh
si SHBA. Kur flasim pėr luftėn e fundit, atė pėr pronat nuk kemi ndėrmend
luftė me armė zjarri, por njė betejė juridike, diplomatike qoftė nė
kontakte dypalėshe, qoftė nė arenėn ndėrkombėtare. Bėhet fjalė pėr njė
ēėshtje me faturė tė madhe, disa miliarda euro, qė grekėt e mbajnė
padrejtėsisht, megjithėse e dinė se duhet tė na e kthejnė. Ka shumė
ekspertė grekė qė kanė shkruar vitet e fundit pėr kėtė ēėshtje duke vėnė
nė dukje padrejtėsinė qė qėndron mbrapa bllokimit tė kėsaj pasurie tė
madhe tė shqiptarėve.
Nga njė vėshtrim i shpejtė vėmė re se i gjithė
libri ėshtė nė fakt njė lloj mbrojtje juridike qė ju i bėni ēėshtjes sė
pronave shqiptare nė Greqi. Ēdo tė thotė tė jesh avokati i njė ēėshtje
tė tillė, plot udhėkryqe e tė fshehta mbajtur nė hije pėr shumė e shumė
dekada?
Nė pikėpamje profesionale, nėse pėr kėto ēėshtje do tė zhvillohej
ndonjėherė njė gjyq. Ndėrkombėtar do tė ishte padyshim gjyqi i jetės pėr
avokatin qė do ta mbronte. Do tė ishte gjyq i fituar lehtėsisht, pasi dhe
vetė juristėt grekė e pohojnė kėtė. Njė gjyq i ngjashėm me atė tė
depozitave hebreje nė bankat zvicerane. Dhe nė planin individual mund tė
fitoje shumė: financiarisht dhe jo financiarisht. Pėr fat tė keq nuk jemi nė
kushte tė tilla kur mund tė zhvillojmė ndonjė gjyq tė ngjashėm megjithėse
unė me librin tim pėrpiqem tė nxis vėmendje, angazhim shumė mė tė madh
tė klasės politike dhe tė shoqėrisė shqiptare pėr tė shkuar nė njė
formė apo nė njė tjetėr tė zgjidhjes sė kėsaj ēėshtje. Kemi njė klasė
politike qė mė shumė ka heshtur, e korruptuar thellėsisht prej fqinjėve
tanė qė kanė gjithė interesin pėr ta mbyllur kėtė ēėshtje me ndonjė
gur tė rėndė si kapak. Nuk kemi patur as dhe interes tė tė ashtuquajturės
shoqėri civile e rėnė nė njė apati tė madhe, tė specialistėve tanė mė
tė mirė. Njė situatė shumė larg asaj tė shoqėrisė shqiptare apo
politikės sonė nė qeverisjen e Zogut. Kishte mė shumė dinjitet atėherė,
mė shumė kompetencė. Unė e evidentoj dhe kėtė zhvillim paralel nė
librin tim. Nuk di nėse do tė preket dikush nga ndriēimi i kėsaj paralele
historike qė vė nė njė dritė tė keqe, klasėn e sotme politike. Por unė
e bėra timen.
Nė libėr janė pėrfshirė edhe shumė dokumneta
tė papublikuara dhe dėshmi tė reja. Ku keni hulumtuar pėr to, dhe ēfarė
faktesh servirin?
Kam parė arkivat shqiptare, tė ministrisė sė jashtme, Arkivin e Shtetit, tė
disa institucioneve tė tjera si komuniteti bektashi, etj. Jo nė mėnyrė tė
drejtpėrdrejtė kam shfrytėzuar dhe dokumenta greke, apo italiane. Duke kėrkuar
kam gjetur libra apo studime qė e trajtonin gjerėsisht kėtė ēėshtje.
Shikoni:tė aktualizosh libra dhe studime tė tilla ėshtė njėsoj sikur tė
gėrmosh nėpėr arkiva, sakohė qė ato libra nuk shfrytėzoheshin dhe
rrethoheshin nga njė heshtje e tipit arkival.
Ju mė pyesni ēfarė serviret prej tyre? E vėrteta e pasurive shqiptare nė
Greqi, qė janė pėrvetėsuar nė mėnyrė sistematike dhe tė shėmtuar prej
fqinjit tonė, me ligje tė padrejta, me arbitraritet tė dėnueshėm dhe mbi
bazė ligjesh tė padrejta. Mund tė kuptosh sesi Greqia pėr tė bllokuar kėto
pasuri i ėshtė kundėrvėnė dhe bashkėsisė ndėrkombėtare qė e ka
shpallur Shqipėrinė si vend fitues tė luftės sė dytė botėrore. Duke
lexuar kėtė libėr, mund tė kuptosh sesa paradoksale ėshtė sjellja e tyre,
por dhe jona. Ne sillemi sikur tu kemi borxh, kur nė fakt na kanė. Jetojmė
madje nė njė situatė kur ndėrsa shkruan pėr njė problem tė tillė,
kompleksohesh nga njė mjedis shoqėror gjoja kozmopolit, i blerė nga viza
Shengen, nga favore tė tjera, i trysnuar nga individė, parti tė korruptuara
po me paratė tona me tė cilat paguajmė shtrenjtė shėrbime telefonike, etj,.
E gjitha kjo qė thashė dhe qė serviret nė kėtė libėr, ėshtė njė e vėrtetė
e madhe apo jo?
Njė dokument ku do tė doja tė ndaleshim ėshtė
ai i dėnimeve nė mungesė pėr rreth 2 000 ēamė. Ēfarė servir mė saktėsisht
ky dokument?
Pasuritė e ēamėve, ligjet qė u morėn me to dhe me fatin e ēamėve
nė pėrgjithėsi, me heqjen e shtetėsisė, etj, zėnė njė vend tė rėndėsishėm
nė kėtė libėr. Nė kėtė kuadėr unė botoj nė libėr njė dokument tė
rėndėsishėm tė cilin e gjeta nė ministrinė tonė tė jashtme dhe qė
mjerisht nuk ėshtė pėrdorur asnjėherė nga diplomacia jonė. E kam kuptuar
diplomacinė e Enver Hoxhės dhe frikėn e saj nga Greqia, por jo atė tė
viteve tė demokracisė. Sipas kėtij dokumenti qė ėshtė shkresė e
prokurorit tė Janinės Xhavellas, rezulton a) qė dosjet e gjyqit special tė
Janinės sė 1944-1945 qė dėnuan rreth 2000 ēamė, thuajse tė gjithė
kryefamiljarėt e komunitetit ēam mysliman, janė zhdukur me porosi tė qendrės,
dmth tė shtetit grek. B), qė dėnimet e tyre me vdekje, janė parashkruar tė
gjitha. Pra ēamėt edhe ata tė dėnuar si bashkėpunėtorė tė fashizmit
kanė tė drejtė tė udhėtojnė tė lirė nė Greqi edhe sipas ligjeve greke.
Janė dy pėrfundime tė rėndėsishme. I pari lidhet me zhdukjen e gjurmėve
tė njė gjyqi tė padrejtė. Pse janė zhdukur dosjet e kėtyre gjyqeve qė
lidhen me njė epokė tė tmerrshme tė pasluftės nė Greqi, epokė plot
krime, para tė cilave spastrimi etnik i kosovarėve do tė dukej si lojė? E
dyta, pse nuk lejohen tė lėvizin ēamėt, pse nuk lejohet tė rifitojnė tė
drejtat e tyre, mbi bazė tė disa ligjeve qė ja dhanė kėto tė drejta ish
bashkėpunėtorėve tė fashizmit, apo ish komunistėe, por vetėm nėse do tė
kishin kombėsi greke?
Tė ndalemi nė njė pikė tjetėr. Cila ėshtė vėmendja
ndėrkombėtare rreth problemit tė kėtyre pronave?
Falė angazhimit tė lobit shqiptaro-amerikan kemi patur njė seancė dėgjimi
nė Komitetin e Helsinkit tė Senatit amerikan, madje me praninė e senatores
Klinton qė me shumė gjasa mund tė jetė presidente e ardhshme e SHBA. Me
angazhimin e PDI-sė, parti e ēamėve, me kontaktet e tyre nė Parlamentin
Europian, kemi shtim tė ndjeshmėrisė sė politikės sė Brukselit pėr kėtė
ēėshtje. Por kėto ngacmime duhet tė jenė permanente, duhet luftė mė e
zgjuar diplomatike dhe politike. Tė paktėn nė nivelin e maqedonasve qė kanė
patur pėr disa elementė fat tė ngjashėm: u pėrzunė nga Greqia si bashkėpunėtorė
tė sė majtės, ju sekuestruan pasuritė, etj. Por ata nuk reshtin sė
luftuari, madje dhe brenda Greqisė ku kanė krijuar parti. Ju botuat diēka pėr
angazhimin e njė deputeti belg pėr njė rezolutė tė Kėshillit tė Europės
pėr tė ndryshuar ligjet qė u mohojnė tė drejtat popullsisė
sllavomaqedonase tė Greqisė tė rikthehet nė tokat e veta. E pse ne nuk
duhet tė bėjmė tė njėjtėn gjė?
Nė fund tė librit janė pėrfshirė disa
intervista qė ju i quani tė rėndėsishme pėr fatin ne pasurive
shqiptare. Si janė realizuar dhe cili ėshtė qėllimi i pėrfshirjes sė
tyre nė kėtė libėr?
Qė prej 2002 unė jam interesuar shumė pėr kėtė ēėshtje dhe kam bėrė
shumė intervista qė ndriēojnė nė mėnyrė mė tė qartė dhe mė tė
kuptueshme pėr tė gjithė fatin e pasurive dhe rrugėt pėr tė marrė njė
shpagim tė drejtė pėr to. Siē e keni vėnė re vetė, janė vetė ekspertėt
grekė qė e pranojnė padrejtėsinė e vendit tė tyre pėr kėtė ēėshtje.
Njė ish zėvendėsambasador amerikan nė Greqi qė i sugjeron Greqisė tė
kompensojė fqinjėt e vet, Shqipėrinė dhe Maqedoninė pėr pasuritė e
sekuestruara dhe tė pėrvetėsuara. Pra ato shėrbejnė pėr tė bėrė mė tė
kuptueshme pjesėn tjetėr tė librit qė ėshtė ndoshta diēka mė e
specializuar.
Thoni diku se ky libėr synon tė japė njė udhėzues
ndihmės pėr politikėn shqiptare qė tė dijė tė kėrkojė borxhet qė na
kanė. Mendoni se ėshtė vetėm ēėshtje dije, apo nė politikėn shqiptare
janė fshehur gjithmonė edhe shumė prapaskena, interesa tė momentin, apo
afatgjata?
Janė tė gjitha: ėshtė dhe ēėshtje dije, por dhe ēėshtje korrupsioni
politik dhe jo vetėm politik. Ėshtė miopi, ėshtė gjithēka. Por ndėrkohė
dhe shoqėria duhet tė bėjė presion tek politika: para njė presioni tė
shoqėrisė, politika do detyrohet tė lėvizė dhe ta rihapė kėtė ēėshtje
nė kontaktet e veta me palėn greke apo dhe ta ndėrkombėtarizojė. Heshtja
e shoqėrisė, e specialistėve, e grupeve tė interesit si deri mė tani i shėrbente
si justifikim politikės pėr mosveprimin e saj. Ndėrkohė dhe institucionet
tona po humbin gjithnjė e mė shumė softuerin, dmth njerėzit e ditur,
patriotė, me eksperiencė qė i japin qėndrueshmėri veprimit ndėrkombėtar
tė politikės sonė. Krejt ndryshe ndodh nė vendet serioze, apo tek fqinji
ynė qė ka institute tė specializuara dhe ku politika e jashtme lėviz fare
pak nga boshtet e paracaktuara qė me pavarėsinė e tyre nė 1821.
Kur mendoni se mund tė nisė zgjidhja e kėsaj ēeshtjeje,
pra tė nisė kjo luftė e fundit juridike dhe diplomatike?
Kjo luftė ka filluar dhe libri ėshtė kontribut nė kėtė drejtim.
Po krijohen shoqata pronarėsh shqiptarė nė Greqi, janė ofruar studio
avokatore tė rėndėsishme. Ka deputetė tė partive tė mėdha si pėrshembull
Shpėtim Idrizi, qė duan tė angazhohen pėr ndėrkombėtarizimin e ēėshtjes,
pėr njė rezolutė qė do tė impononte politikėn zyrtare tė mbante qėndrim
tė fortė pėr kėtė ēėshtje. Pak kohė mė parė as qė mund tė mendohej
pėr kėto hapa. Dhe mbi tė gjitha kemi njė koniunkturė ndėrkombėtare
shumė mė tė favorshme. Kemi aleatė tė fortė dhe koha punon pėr shqiptarėt
nė rajon.
Ēfarė pėrmban libri?
Nė njė kalim tė shpejtė nė tė gjithė kapitujt e
librit Lufta e fundit, pronat e shqiptarėve nė Greqi mund tė veēojmė
shumė tema mes tė cilave: Problemet e trashėguara nga Konferenca e Paqes
sė Parisit tė 1919, Pushtimi italian i Shqipėrisė dhe vendosja atje
e njė qeverie shqiptare kukull, Sulmi italian mbi Greqinė, Tė
dhėna historiko-gjeografike mbi Ēamėrinė, ku pėrfshihen gjeografia,
popullsia, shtetėsia, origjina kombėtare, reagimi grek kundrejt Shqipėrisė,
pėrzėnia mbi bazė etnike e shtetasve me origjinė shqiptare. Mė tej
renditen njė varg ngjarjesh tė tjera tė rėndėsishme nė marrėdhėniet
midis dy vendeve deri nė ditėt e sotme si dhe problematika juridike brenda
marrėdhėnieve greko-shqiptare. Njė ēėshtje qė vlen tė veēohet ėshtė
Kuadri juridik i pasurive shqiptare nė Greqi, para Luftės sė Dytė Botėrore,
ku jepen shumė tė dhėna pėr pasuritė e ēamėve dhe shqiptarėve tė tjerė
nė Maqedoni dhe Epir si dhe pasuritė e shtetasve shqiptarė.
Nė kapitullin e tretė tė librit autori flet pėr perspektivat e zgjidhjes sė
problemit tė pasurive tė sekuestruara, si dhe rivendikimet e shtetasve
shqiptarė mbi pronat e vendosura nė shtetin grek, ku shtrohen ēėshtjet pėr
pasuritė shqiptare, pėr njė vendim tė 12 janarit 2006 tė Aeropagos,
Gjykatės sė Lartė tė Greqisė, vlerėsimi i ēėshtjes nėn dritėn e
Paktit tė Kombeve tė Bashkuara pėr tė Drejtat Civile dhe Politike,
parashikimet e Konventės Europiane mbi tė drejtat e njeriut nė lidhje me gėzimin
e lirė tė pronės pėrfundime pėr pasuritė shqiptare, pronat e mbetura pa
pronar, apo tė braktisura, etj dhe nė fund ide pėr njė zgjidhje
diplomatike.
Dhe nė fund tė librit pas bibliografisė dy shtojca mjaft tė rėndėsishme
plotėsojnė kuadrin e kėtij libri. Nė shtojcėn e parė jepen njė varg
ligjesh pėrmes tė cilave u pėrvetėsuan pasuritė, si Ligjet e luftės
2636 dhe 2637/1940, Traktati i Paqes me Italinė nė 1946, Ligji
mbi kadastrėn kombėtare,etj. Po ashtu nė kėtė shtojcė janė pėrfshirė
vendime gjyqėsore greke mbi pronat e shqiptarėve si dhe lista e pronarėve
shqiptarė qė kanė aplikuar pranė Shoqėrisė Komisionare deri nė vitin
1990 pėr pronat e tyre nė Greqi. Ndėrsa nė shtojcėn dy njė varg
intervistash tė rėndėsishme mbi fatin e shqiptarėve si ajo me gazetarin e
njohur tė kanalit MEGA dhe studiuesin grek Tassos Teloglu, me Profesor James
Pettifer, njeri nga ekspertėt britanikė mė tė njohur tė Ballkanit, njė
intervistė e Tasos Teloglu me ish Presidentin Alia nė lidhje me ligjin e
luftės, ejt.
RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE, CZECH REPUBLIC
___________________________________________________________
RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 133, Part II, 23 July 2007
ALBANIAN PARLIAMENT SELECTS PRESIDENT... The Albanian parliament on
July 20 elected Bamir Topi as the country's president, breaking a protracted
deadlock that had threatened to trigger a snap general election. Parliament's
choice of Topi means that the Democrat Party now holds the two most senior
positions in Albanian politics: the presidency and the premiership, a post
currently occupied by Sali Berisha. The Democrats, who head the ruling
coalition, had been pushing for Topi for the post since March, but in previous
rounds he secured fewer votes than the coalition commanded and roughly 10
fewer than those needed to gain the required three-fifths majority (see
"RFE/RL Newsline," March 9 and 14 and May 4 and 14, 2007). He also
withdrew his candidacy in early July to facilitate the election of a
compromise candidate, but he re-entered the ring when a deal failed at the
last moment (see "RFE/RL Newsline," July 16, 2007). The deadlock was
broken in the fourth round when five members of the largest opposition party,
the Socialists, decided to vote for Topi, ignoring a boycott intended to force
Topi to withdraw once again. In all, Topi won 85 votes, one more than required.
Topi's opponent, Neritan Ceka, garnered five votes. Ceka, the leader of a
small party, the Democratic Alliance, emerged as a rival only in the third
round of voting. As leader of a party with just three seats in parliament,
Ceka would have needed to secure the backing of the 57 other members of the
opposition and another 24 votes from governing parties; new elections were
always seen as more probable than a victory for Ceka. Topi will be inaugurated
on July 24. Failure to elect a president by that date would have necessitated
early parliamentary elections. AG
...PROMPTING RECRIMINATIONS AMONG OPPOSITION. The decision by five members
of the Socialist Party to break ranks and back the government's candidate has
prompted recriminations within the party and allegations of corruption, local
media reported on July 20 and 21. The most immediate result was the
resignation of the party's whip, Ben Blushi, who stepped down within minutes
of the vote. The party's leader, Edi Rama, called the defections a "shameful
act of corruption" and refused to congratulate Topi. "I would have
wished to congratulate the new president of the republic, but he does not
deserve the congratulations of the Socialist Party today, because he took part
directly in building the shameful process of corruption that brought him to
the president's post," Rama said in comments carried by the daily "Koha
jone" on July 21. Rama continued, "He was not elected on the basis
of consensus with the opposition; he was, rather, elected through the
political -- and not only political -- corruption of a group of deputies who
decided to walk out of the Socialist Party and save the government of Sali
Berisha from its confrontation with the people's vote." Rama said after
the third round of the potentially five-round election that his party was
preparing for parliamentary elections (see "RFE/RL Newsline," July
16, 2007), and called on the rebels to resign from the party. One of the
rebels, Durim Lamaj, on July 20 told the news agency ATA that "we gave a
president to Albania so that the country can keep walking on the road toward
integration into the EU and NATO." AG
NEW ALBANIAN PRESIDENT PROMISES RECONCILIATION. In his first comments
as president-elect, Bamir Topi said one of his key tasks is to try to bridge
the differences between the country's two leading political blocs, led by the
governing Democrats and the opposition Socialists. "My fundamental pledge
is to respect the constitution, establish a full balance in the Albanian
political climate, and take the country ahead in its main two challenges --
integration into NATO and the European family," Topi added. The immediate
prospects that Topi can ease tensions seem dim, given the acrimony of the
dispute about his candidacy. The Socialists had demanded a compromise choice,
arguing that when they were in power in 2002, they had allowed a compromise
candidate, outgoing President Alfred Moisiu, to emerge. Topi's election does,
though, forestall some of the damage that could have been done to Albania's
bids for NATO and EU membership had snap elections been required. Albania
hopes to be invited to join NATO in April 2008. Both the EU and the United
States have underscored the importance of Albania avoiding further political
destabilization. Topi, who is 50, left his original profession as a professor
of biology in his mid-30s to become a member of parliament for the Democrats.
He served as a minister of agriculture between 1996 and 1997, and has served
twice both as a deputy leader of the Democrats and the party's chief whip. AG
BALKAN JOURNALISTS JOIN ALBANIAN MEDIA PROTEST. The Southeast Europe
Media Organization (SEEMO), a network of editors, media executives, and
leading journalists from the region, on July 18 joined Albanian media in
protesting against the imposition of a 12 million euros ($16.6 million) fine
on one of Albania's leading media groups, Top Media. The government fined Top
Media for not paying taxes, but at public demonstrations on July 16, Albanian
journalists accused the ruling Democrat Party of seeking to restrict freedom
of speech. In a letter distributed on July 18, SEEMO said it believes "the
government is using the taxation authorities as an instrument to attack media
independence" and that "the fact that the fine is applied against a
media organization that has criticized the government leads us to believe that
the government is attempting to intimidate the Albanian media." The EU
had earlier raised concerns, with the daily "Gazeta Shqiptare" on
July 17 quoting a spokeswoman for EU Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn as
saying that "press freedom is one of the most fundamental elements of
human rights in a democratic society. We expect Albanian society to operate
within the framework of the rule of law." Albanian governments have a
long record of antagonism with the media, and Prime Minister Sali Berisha has
accused the media of working with the mafia (see "RFE/RL Newsline,"
April 12 and 17, 2007). AG
Le Parlement albanais a élu un nouveau chef de l'Etat | ||
2007-07-21 10:34:41 |
|
21/07/2007 - Le dossier du Kosovo échoue ą l'ONU. Le Kosovo pourrait proclamer son indépendance le 28 novembre
RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE, CZECH REPUBLIC
___________________________________________________________
RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 132, Part II, 20 July 2007
KOSOVA LEADER CALLS FOR INDEPENDENCE THIS YEAR... Veton Surroi, one of
the five Kosovar Albanian leaders involved in talks on the future of Kosova,
said on July 19 that the Serbian province should declare independence this year.
Surroi, whose comments were reported by the local media, said "it is
important that we set dates," a view echoed the same day by Kosovar Prime
Minister Agim Ceku. The possibility of setting a specific date for a declaration
was discussed by Surroi, Ceku, and the other members of the negotiating team --
known as the Unity Team -- when they met on July 18, the daily "Koha ditore"
reported on July 19, citing a government spokeswoman, Ulpiana Lama. No agreement
was reached at that meeting, however. A declaration of independence in December
would fit the timeline currently emerging as the consensus view of Western
powers. The United States, the EU, and Europe's veto-wielding members of the UN
Security Council are currently calling for 120 more days of talks between
Belgrade and Prishtina, with or without a UN resolution, and are on the verge of
putting a resolution to the vote at the UN Security Council despite very strong
indications that Russia will veto any proposal (see "RFE/RL Newsline,"
July 16, 17, 18, and 19, 2007). AG
...AS DOES U.S. OFFICIAL... Two days before Veton Surroi's comments, U.S.
Undersecretary of State Nicholas Burns told the BBC that Kosova will gain its
independence by the end of this year "either at the UN Security Council or
through other mechanisms." The theme was reiterated on July 19 by Burns'
boss, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, who told reporters that Kosova will
gain its independence from Serbia "one way or another," adding that
"the United States is absolutely committed to that." However, unlike
Burns, Rice did not give any date. Burns told the BBC on July 17 that the United
States will "keep the promise given to the people of Kosovo" that it
will gain independence from Serbia. Washington "will not allow anyone to
come in the way of Kosovo's independence," he continued. Burns was critical
of Russia, the chief champion of Serbia's position, saying that the United
States "has so far postponed the independence of Kosovo with the aim of
accommodating Russia's concerns...but Russia has not been constructive."
Burns refused to accept any connection between Kosova's status and other aspects
of the currently fraught relationship between the West and Russia, and stressed
that "the countries that have a vital interest in Kosovo are European
countries and the U.S.; Russia has no troops on the ground and it hasn't had
troops for several years now." Members of Kosova's Unity Team are
reportedly due to meet with Rice for talks on July 23. AG
...WHILE SERBIA CRITICIZES U.S. COMMITMENT TO KOSOVA. An adviser to
Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica, Vladeta Jankovic, dismissed the
comments by U.S. Undersecretary of State Burns, telling Serbian national
television on July 18 that "it is obvious that for him, being constructive
means unconditional agreement with Washington and nothing else." Jankovic
averred that the United States' only argument in support of Kosova's
independence appears to be "the fact that the United States promised [independence]
to the Albanians," a position which, he argued, could be highly
destabilizing. "If all legal, political, and moral reasons can fall before
some precarious, legally unfounded promises made by a major power, then the
whole international order should be in fear," Jankovic said. On a similar
note, Serbian Foreign Minister Vuk Jeremic told reporters on July 19 that "imposing
the independence of Kosovo to Serbia outside the Security Council is a guarantee
to destabilize the Western Balkans." Jeremic was speaking during a trip to
Lisbon that coincided with a visit to the Portuguese capital by U.S. Secretary
of State Rice. The two did not meet. AG
18/07/2007
- 08:56
Nga Ilda Lumani
Ka tėrhequr vėmendjen e tė gjithėve, qysh kur ka mbėrritur nė ato ditė
tė para nė Shqipėri. Ėshtė 25 vjeē dhe thirret Princ. Titulli qė mban e
bėn edhe mė misterioz. Princ Leka, jeta e tė cilit tashmė ėshtė e
kontrolluar nga emri qė e rrethon, por edhe nga vėmendja e medias dhe e
gjithė njerėzve. Vjen nė njė rrėfim ndryshe. Pėr herė tė parė pėr
Gazetėn ai tregon pėr jetėn e tij nė Shqipėri, por gjithashtu shumė i
kujdeshėm pėr tė mos pohuar asnjė gjė nga jeta e tij private. Emri, qė
ka e "detyron" tė jetė shumė mė serioz se miqtė e tij, e
megjithatė edhe ai zhvishet ndonjėherė prej tij.
Leka jashtė titullit
"Fakti ėshtė, qė kam ndenjur gjithė kohėn time jashtė Shqipėrisė
dhe kam marrė njė pamje, qė ėshtė nė dukje jo njė djalė tipik shqiptar,
megjithatė kam dėshirė qė tė martohem me njė vajzė shqiptare".
Cilado vajzė qė do tė dėgjonte kėtė pohim do tė thurrte planin e saj pėr
tė futur nė "grackė" Princin. Dhe nė fakt, janė tė lira ta bėjnė.
Princi Leka do tė zgjidhte pėr jetėn e tij njė vajzė shqiptare. "Tė
them tė drejtėn unė jam tip i hapur dhe jam serioz kur jam nė punė. Kur lėviz
jam i hapur, nuk ka asnjė problem tė lėviz mes njerėzve. Kam miq, por janė
nga shoqėri tė ndryshme. Nuk kam njė shoqėri tė kufizuar por kam shumė
miq. Ndonėjherė mė ftojnė ata, ndonjėherė unė, e me radhė",
vazhdon rrėfimin e tij ai. E pėlqen jetėn e natės nė kryeqytet edhe pse e
frekuenton rrallė atė. "Unė e frkuentoj rrallė jetėn e natės, por
ndonjėherė mė pėlqen qė nė momentet, kur jam i lirė tė dal. Nuk mė pėlqen
shumė alkooli, mund tė pi diēka shuėm sociale, dhe nuk kam pasur asnjėherė
ndonjė dėshirė tė pi pije alkoolike".
Vajzat shqiptare
Ka njė vlerėsim mjaft pozitiv pėr vajzat shqiptare, edhe pse tregohet shumė
i kursyer pėr tė treguar diēka nga jeta e tij private. Njė femėr nė jetėn
e tij? "Kjo ėshtė njė pyetje private, pėr tė cilėn nuk dua tė flas",
duke i mbyllur kėshtu tė gjitha hapėsirat pėr tė zbuluar mė tej diēka
rreth privacisė sė tij. Ndėrkohė qė tregon pėr veten e tij dhe pėr marrėdhėniet
qė ka me mikeshat e tij nė Shqipėri. "Ēdo individ ėshtė njė person
i veēantė dhe prandaj nuk mund tė jap njė pėrkufizim tė qartė pėr
vajzat shqiptare. Kur njerėzit mė takojnė mua janė shumė serioz, shumė
korrekt, por unė kam pėrshtypje shumė tė mira. Jam me fat, qė kam miq tė
ndryshėm. Si djalė i ri, qė jam besoj se vera ėshtė koha mė e bukur pėr
vajzat. Kėto i them me ndershmėri, por besoj kur ke njė shoqe tė mirė,
ato janė tė hapura pėr tė mė njohur, ndonjėherė mė "shajnė"
ndonjėherė bėjmė muhabet tė zakonshėm, siē vjen muhabeti. Vajzat
shqiptare duhet tė shijojnė mė shumė kėtė kohė, pasi Shkodra ėshtė
pothujse mentalitet i mbyllur dhe kėshtu nė tė gjithė qytetet sa kalon
Tiranėn. Kurse vajzat tiranse janė si nė ēdo qytet tė ēdo shteti tjetėr.
Kanė atė jetė nate, si kudo nė botė dhe qė ėshtė shumė bukur",
tregon gjithė sinqeritet ai.
Pushimet dhe turizmi
Ato nuk janė tamam pushime, po ditė ose fundjava, qė Lartėsia e Tij Princ
Leka preferon t'i kalojė mė sė shumti nė Vlorė, apo edhe nė Durrės.
"Unė nuk kam planifikaur ndonjė pushim por kaloj dy tre ditė nė
qytetin e Vlorės, pasi edhe Vlora ėshtė afėr nga Tirana. Ndonjėherė
shkoj edhe nė ishujt nė jug tė saj, por edhe nė plazhin e Durrėsit".
E nė kėtė rast pėrfiton pėr tė vėnė nė dukje mungesėn e investimeve
nė turizėm nga ana e shtetit shqiptar. "Shteti duhet tė bėjė mė
shumė, pėr shembull janė lėnė nė harresė, rrugėt jashtė Tiranės. Nuk
po shihen pėrparėsitė. Nėse sheh rrugėt e Pukės, ku unė kaloj shpesh pėr
nė Kosovė lėnė shumė pėr tė dėshiruar. Kemi monumente tė
mrekullueshme qė pėr buxhetin tonė Ministria e Kulturės, Turizmit, Rinisė
dhe Sporteve jep vetėm njė buxhet prej 500 mijė euro nė vit. Prandaj duhet
njė mirė koordinim i punės. Kjo ėshtė situata jonė, qė duhet t'i jepet
pėrparėsi turizmit, qė ėshtė vetėm 6 muaj nė vit, duhet tė investohet
mė shumė. Nė Kajro (Egjipt) ka rreth 10-15 milion vizitorė, nė Shqipėri
kemi gjithė kėtė hapėsirė, kemi ujė kemi minerale tokėsore dhe nėntokėsore,
kemi pasuri bujqėsore dhe jemi njė nga vendet mė tė bukura nė Ballkan,
por mungon investimet e duhura".
RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE, CZECH REPUBLIC
___________________________________________________________
RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 130, Part II, 18 July 2007
EU WANTS TALKS ON KOSOVA EVEN WITHOUT UN RESOLUTION... The EU's
foreign-policy chief, Javier Solana, said on July 17 that he expects Serbia and
Kosova to hold talks even if efforts to resolve Kosova's final status move
beyond the UN, international media reported. A draft resolution formally
presented to members of the UN Security Council on July 17 includes a call for
fresh talks, as Serbia and Russia have demanded, but Russia has indicated it
would veto the resolution (see "RFE/RL Newsline," July 16 and 17,
2007). Serbia and Russia object to the time limits imposed on talks and the
resolution's origin in a UN proposal to grant Kosova independence. Solana
indicated that the resolution will nonetheless soon be put to the vote at the
UN, saying that "I don't think we have a long time" to reach a
resolution on Kosova's future within the UN. In New York, Western ambassadors on
July 17 indicated that they will put a resolution to the vote at the UN Security
Council "very soon," which Britain's deputy ambassador, Karen Pierce,
told AFP means "within, let's say, the next 36 hours." Solana did not
outline the format of the proposed talks, but said he expects EU diplomats will
need to "shuttle between" Serbia and Kosova. That suggests the formal
roundtable negotiations seen in earlier UN-brokered talks are unlikely in the
initial phases of discussions. The Kosovar daily "Zeri" recently
claimed that Western powers are considering holding an international conference
on Kosova in September. AG
...BUT RUSSIA'S STANCE REMAINS UNCLEAR. The EU's Solana also said that
talks with Serbia and Kosova will "probably" be "under the aegis
of the Contact Group," an informal six-member group of countries that has
sought to coordinate diplomatic efforts in the Balkans since the mid-1990s, AFP
reported on July 17. "I'm sure there will be an agreement among members of
the Contact Group to open a process of negotiations," Solana said. The
transfer of responsibility for a solution from the UN, where Russia holds veto
rights, to the Contact Group, where Russia has no veto, could offer Russia a
diplomatic route out of the impasse. However, Russia's willingness to engage
with other members of the Contact Group is increasingly open to question.
British Deputy UN Ambassador Pierce told AFP on July 17 that "we used to
have a very cooperative relationship with the Russians on the Balkans through
the Contact Group," but she said the Russians "no longer seem to want
to work through the Contact Group and bring this to a managed conclusion."
The Contact Group is due to meet in Berlin on July 25. AG
KOSOVAR ALBANIANS SAY NEW APPROACH NEEDED. Kosova's president, Fatmir
Sejdiu, said on July 17 that the UN should seek "alternative routes"
to decide the future of the UN-administered Serbian province, local and
international media reported. "If there is no solution through the UN
Security Council -- a very quick solution -- alternative routes should be sought,
but in cooperation with the international community," Sejdiu said. Another
member of the five-member team negotiating the region's future on behalf of
Kosovar Albanians, Hashim Thaci, indicated that he believes it is already time
for an alternative approach, telling journalists on July 17 that the UN
"has failed to find a solution for Kosova's status" and that "the
role of the UN Security Council has been weakened." Neither commented on
the prospect of further talks outside the UN, but they and other members of the
negotiating team have in the past said they believe the previous UN-brokered
talks exhausted the possibilities for compromise. Serbia has not indicated how
it would react if the EU were to withdraw the issue of Kosova's future from the
UN. But at a press conference held after a meeting with German Chancellor Angela
Merkel, Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica said on July 17 that "any
further talks between the Serbian government and representatives of the Albanian
majority in the province [of Kosova] would not need a new resolution to take
place." Kostunica repeated a recent refrain of Serbian diplomats, saying
there is plenty of scope for "an unconventional solution in the form of a
compromise," but he gave no hints as to what that compromise might be. AG
RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE, CZECH REPUBLIC
___________________________________________________________
RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 129, Part II, 17 July 2007
WEST APPEARS POISED TO ACT ON KOSOVA... French UN Ambassador Jean-Marc
de la Sabliere indicated on July 16 that Western members of the UN Security
Council will present for a vote a draft resolution on the future of Kosova
despite Russia's objections. De la Sabliere said the latest draft "is our
final attempt to try to reach agreement of all members," international
media reported. "We went as far as we could to accommodate the concerns of
some members," he said, adding that "we can improve the text, but we
cannot change what is the core of the text." Western ambassadors to the UN
have indicated they plan to push for a decision on the final status on Kosova
within days, but the decision to press ahead has yet to be made by national
governments. The U.S. ambassador to the UN, Zalmay Khalilzad, said on July 13
that the United States is "determined to move forward either within the [Security]
Council or otherwise." Diplomats representing the six countries leading
efforts to find a solution -- Britain, France, German, Italy, Russia, and the
United States -- are due to meet in Berlin on July 25, AP reported. AG
...DESPITE RUSSIAN OPPOSITION. Russia made clear on July 16 that it will
veto the UN resolution on Kosova in its current form, with Russian UN Ambassador
Vitaly Churkin telling journalists on July 16 that the chances of Moscow
approving the draft "are zero." "Almost the entire text and maybe
particularly the annexes are permeated with the concept of independence for
Kosovo," Churkin said. "That is not a concept that will solve the
problem" of Kosova's status, he said, adding that the sponsors of the draft
were on the "wrong track" by trying to keep some "gray areas."
He did not specify what those gray areas were. Russia would not contribute to
"drafting a document that does not provide a clue to the core problem,"
Churkin said in comments carried by the Russian news agency Interfax. An AP
report cited Churkin as saying "the core of the matter is the Security
Council must encourage the parties to continue negotiations, and those must be
serious negotiations." Russia argues that any resolution of Kosova's status
must be acceptable to Serbia and must be the result of open-ended bilateral
talks between Belgrade and Prishtina. According to Radio-Television Serbia (RTS),
the Chinese ambassador to the UN, Wang Guangjia, supports fresh talks -- as
called for by the draft's sponsors -- but expressed skepticism about any imposed
solution. RTS reported that the South African ambassador objects to the degree
of responsibility passed from the UN to the EU in the proposal. Earlier on July
16, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon urged the Security Council to vote soon on
Kosova's future. "I am deeply concerned about the lack of progress,"
he told journalists, reiterating his view that any further delay is "not
desirable, not only for Balkan states, but also for all European countries"
and again stating that independence for Kosova would not be a precedent. AG
SERBIA ACCUSES EU OFFICIALS OF 'INDECENT OFFER.' Serbian Prime Minister
Vojislav Kostunica said on July 16 that "many officials, many politicians"
from EU countries have suggested that Serbia can only gain membership of the EU
if Kosova is granted independence, Reuters reported the same day. "The
offer is like this: if you want Europe, you can forget Kosovo; if you want
Kosovo, you can forget Europe," Kostunica said. "Things cannot be like
that. It's an indecent offer." Kostunica was speaking in Lisbon, where he
was meeting with Portuguese Prime Minister Jose Socrates, whose country
currently holds the EU's rotating Presidency. It is unclear whether Kostunica
was including Portugal among the countries linking Serbia's EU future with
Kosova's future status. EU officials have said publicly that Serbian membership
is not contingent on Kosova's independence, but French Foreign Minister Bernard
Kouchner on July 12 linked Serbia's EU prospects with stability in Kosova,
saying "it is not possible to enter the EU with an ethnic conflict" (see
"RFE/RL Newsline," July 12, 2007). Serbian Deputy Prime Minister
Bozidar Djelic on July 13 said he hopes Serbia will join the EU between 2012 and
2014, Serbian media reported the same day. Serbian Foreign Minister Vuk Jeremic
is visiting Slovenia, Austria, and Spain this week in an effort to secure
European support for Serbia's case. AG
The Ney York Times :
The Future of Kosovo
EDITORIAL/LETTERS TUESDAY, JULY 17, 2007 |
|
To the Editor :
Re "U.S. Diplomat Hints at Delay for Kosovo Independence" (news article, July 9): Delaying the resolution of Kosovo's final status until next year is not just a "setback for Kosovo's ethnic Albanian leadership." The credibility of the United States is on the line. The December 2006 deadline set by Washington and Brussels for resolving Kosovo's final status was abandoned when Belgrade persuaded the West to wait for the results of Serbia's national elections in January. For America and Europe to propose now that the status quo must still be maintained in the hope that Moscow will drop its support for Belgrade's opposition to Kosovo's independence is beyond the pale. Russia has been threatening to exercise its veto in the United Nations Security Council since the NATO air strikes against Serbia ended eight years ago. Until the United States stands up to Russia, the European Union will remain divided, and Kosovo's status will not be resolved. And until Kosovo becomes independent, like Serbia and the other juridical units of the former Yugoslavia, peace and stability in the Balkans will remain elusive. SHIRLEY CLOYES DIOGUARDI Ossining, N. Y., July 11, 2007 The writer is the Balkan affairs adviser to the Albanian American Civic League. |
RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE, CZECH REPUBLIC
E Shtune, 07 Korrik 2007
Fatjona Mejdini
Per gati tre ore me radhe, kreret e partive politike kane kaluar ne "reviste"
nje numer shume te madh kandidaturash per President, por pa gjetur akordin per
nje emer qe do te kenaqte te gjitha palet. Nderkohe qe, serish ka mbetur varur
opsioni i kandidateve me profil te forte politik, duke mbetur ne loje emra te
tille si Moisiu, Nano e Godo. Kryetaret e partive parlamentare te mazhorances
dhe ata te opozites kane vijuar edhe dje te hedhin per diskutim emra te rinj,
kryesisht ne fusha e diplomacise, por dhe nga fusha e drejtesise, por pa
gjetur ende nje pike te perbashket per emrin qe do t'i jepte fund krizes
presidenciale. Berisha dhe Rama kane refuzuar ne menyre elokuente gati te
gjithe emrat, duke mos vene gishtin mbi personin e duhur per postin e kreut te
shtetit dhe njekohesisht duke mos lene hapesire diskutimi per kreret aleate,
te cilet kishin ne krah. Keshtu, blloku i mazhorances i perbere nga Berisha,
Mediu dhe Ndoka kane paraqitur si kandidatura te tyre per President nje emer
nga sistemi gjyqesor dhe dy te tjeter nga diplomacia, perfshi ketu dhe listen
ekzistuese te pasuruar nga nje mjek, bashkepunetor i hershem i kreut te
mazhorances. Shumica, ne krye te listes ka pasur dje shefin e Shtabit te
Pergjithshem te Ushtrise, Luan Hoxha, nderkohe qe nuk eshte lene pa permendur
dhe kryetari i Kushtetueses, Vladimir Kristo, i cili, sipas saj, plotesonte
kushtet per detyren e Presidentit dhe garantonte nje reforme te thelle ne
sistemin gjyqesor, sipas direktivave evropiane ne funksion te integrimit ne BE.
Nderkohe qe nga diplomacia, mazhoranca ka zgjedhur si emra me te pershtatshem
per kete detyre, sekretarin e Pergjithshem, aktual te Ministrise se Jashtme,
Ferid Hoxha, ish-ambasadorin e Shqiperise ne SHBA, ne vitet 1992-1993, Roland
Bimo. Por nuk kane munguar te paraqesin dhe mjekun e njohur, Mentor Petrela.
Nga ana tjeter, drejtuesit e partive opozitare, Rama, Meta dhe Gjinushi, kane
paraqitur si kandidature potenciale mjekun Halim Kosova, pa lene ne harrese as
te propozuarin nga radhet e diplomacise, Qirjako Qirkon. Por gjate negociatave
eshte vene re nje fluks i madh propozimesh femra per Presidente, nderkohe qe
listes se diplomateve i eshte shtuar dhe nje liste e gjate akademikesh, emra
keto qe kane vendosur dominancen ne listen e kandidateve te diskutuar dje.
Nga ana tjeter, palet i kane konsideruar si opsionale per perzgjedhje edhe
listat fillestare te paraqitura nga mazhoranca dhe opozita, ku spikasnin emrat
e politikaneve me te njohur ne vend. Ne rast se mazhoranca dhe opozita nuk
gjejne konsensus per emra te ndryshem figurash publike jo nga fusha politike,
gjasat jane te medha qe palet t'u kthehen listave fillestare, ku spikasin emra
te njohur te politikes ne vend, si Fatos Nano, Sabri Godo, Neritan Ceka e
Paskal Milo. Burime brenda grupit te negocimit bejne me dije se lista e
kandidateve per president me profil te forte politik eshte nje opsion i
mundshem dhe ka gjasa qe te perfitoje nga mungesa e njohjeve reciproke per
figurat jopolitike te propozuara.
Emrat e diskutuar dje per President:
1 - Halim Kosova, mjek
2 - Luan Hoxha, shef i Shtabit te Pergjithshem Ushtrise
3 - Ferid Hoxha, sekretar i Pergjithshem i MPJ
4 - Spiro Koci, ambasador ne Beograd
5 - Elisabeta Gjoni, ekonomiste
6 - Agim Fagu, ish-ambasador ne Britani
7 - Xhezair Zagonjori, anetar i Gjykates Kushtetuese
8 - Qirjako Qirko, ambasador ne Holande
9 - Valentina Duka, pedagoge
10 - Shezai Rrokaj, rektor
11 - Zef Mazi, ambasador
12 - Valentina Leskaj, deputete
13 - Roland Bimo, ish-ambasador
14 - Mentor Petrela, mjek
Emra te tjere:
1 - Bashkim Zeneli, ish-ambasador
2 - Kastriot Robo, ambasador ne Britani
3 - Teuta Caka, juriste
4 - Vladimir Kristo, kryetar i Gjykates Kushtetuese
5 - Vjollca Mece, ish-anetare e Gjykates Kushtetuese
6 - Ilir Bocka, ish-ambasador ne NATO
Kandidatet me profil politik
Mazhoranca
1 - Halit Shamata, ish-minister
2 - Myqerem Tafaj, ish-minister
3 - Sabri Godo, president nderi i PR
4 - Arian Starova, kryetar i PBLD
Opozita
1 - Alfred Moisiu, Presidenti aktual
2 - Fatos Nano, ish-kryeminister
3 - Ylli Bufi, Ish-kryeminister
4 - Servet Pellumbi, ish-kryetar Kuvendi
5 - Namik Dokle, ish-kryetar Kuvendi
6 - Kastriot Islami, ish-kryetar Kuvendi
7 - Neritan Ceka, president i PAD
8 - Paskal Milo, kryetar i PDS
Njė diplomat nė postin e Presidentit tė Republikės
Krerėt e mazhorancės dhe opozitės kanė diskutuar kandidatė nga gjyqėsori dhe diplomacia
Kreu i ardhshėm i shtetit shqiptar po profilizohet drejt
pozicionit tė diplomatit. Nė tryezėn e krerėve tė mazhorancės dhe opozitės,
mėsohet se mes gjyqtarėve dhe ambasadorėve, duket se kanė fituar mė shumė
terren kėta tė fundit. Njė listė e madhe me diplomatė janė rreshtuar nė
letrat e shkruara shpejt e shpejt nga aktorėt e mėdhenj tė politikės
shqiptare, tė cilėt kanė zhvilluar dje dy raunde diskutimesh pėr zgjedhjen
e Presidentit tė ri tė Republikės. Pas disa debateve mes palėve nė lidhje
me kriteret e profilit tė kreut tė shtetit, diplomatėt kanė gjetur njė
pajtim mė tė gjerė nga gjashtė krerėt e partive politike kryesore tė
vendit. Dhe nuk kanė qenė pak emrat e ambasadorėve mė tė njohur shqiptar
qė kanė shėrbyer nė kryeqendrat kryesore tė Evropės, si pėrfaqėsues tė
shtetit shqiptar. Diplomatė qė kanė shėrbyer nė disa qeveri, por edhe qė
kanė dhėnė prova serioziteti dhe respektimi tė kontureve tė shtetit mė
shumė se analet e politikės sė brendshme tė Tiranės. Nė listėn e emrave
qė kanė qarkulluar nė tryezėn e djeshme figurojnė: Bashkim Zeneli, Roland
Bimo, Ferit Hoxha, Qirjako Qirko, Zef Mazi, Spiro Koēi, si dhe tė tjerė,
nga "armata" e diplomatėve. Nė shumicėn e rasteve, kandidatėt e
hedhur nė negociata mes krerėve tė mazhorancės dhe opozitės janė
kontaktuar mė parė se tė diskutohen nė tryezė, pasi kanė marrė edhe
miratimin paraprak pėr "pėrgojimin e emrave tė tyre". Diplomatėt
e diskutuar, nė fakt hyjnė nė radhėn e zyrtarėve "veteranė" tė
shtetit tė pas vitit 1990, tė cilėt kanė shėrbyer nė kancelaritė
kryesore tė Perėndimit. Bashkim Zeneli, njė nga emrat e lakuar nė tryezėn
e tė mėdhenjve, ndryshe nga tė tjerėt, ka edhe njė pėrvojė politike jo
tė shkurtėr pas shpatullave, ku ka qenė njė nga drejtuesit e Partisė
Socialiste, deputet dhe nėnkryetar i Komisionit tė Jashtėm Parlamentar. Mė
pas, ai punoi si ambasador i Shqipėrisė nė Gjermani dhe nė Greqi.
Kandidaturat e diskutuara kanė qenė nė rezonancėn e njė pėlqimi tė pėrbashkėt
si nga tė majtėt, ashtu dhe nga tė djathtėt dhe me njė reputacion dhe nga
ndėrkombėtarėt, qė gjithsesi nuk kanė munguar nė dhėnien e
konsideratave. Sekretari i Pėrgjithshėm i Ministrisė sė Jashtme, Ferit
Hoxha, ka qenė ambasador i Shqipėrisė nė Bashkimin Evropian si dhe nė
Francė, ndėrkohė qė ka punuar si me qeveritė e Partisė Demokratike,
ashtu dhe me ato tė Partisė Socialiste. Roland Bimo, ish-ambasadori i Shqipėrisė
nė OSBE, ka qenė edhe sekretar i Pėrgjithshėm i Ministrisė sė Jashtme pėr
njė kohė tė gjatė. Ndėrkaq, Qirjako Qirko ėshtė ambasadori aktual i
Shqipėrisė nė Mbretėrinė e Holandės. Spiro Koēi ėshtė aktualisht
ambasador nė Beograd, kurse Zef Mazi ka qenė pėr njė kohė tė gjatė pėrfaqėsuesi
i Shqipėrisė nė OSBE.
Gjykatėsit
Nė tryezėn e negociatave tė krerėve tė gjashtė partive kryesore tė
vendit janė diskutuar edhe mundėsitė qė nė krye tė shtetit tė zgjidhet
njė nga pėrfaqėsuesit mė tė njohur tė pushtetit gjyqėsor, nė mėnyrė
qė tė jetė faktor nė ruajtjen e balancės mes pushteteve. Nė tryezėn e
bisedimeve, ku nė njėrėn anė marrin pjesė: Kryeministri Berisha, kreu i
PR-sė, Fatmir Mediu dhe kryetari i demokristianėve, Nard Ndoka, ndėrsa nė
anėn tjetėr: kreu i socialistėve, Edi Rama, kryetari i LSI-sė, Ilir Meta
dhe kreu i PSD-sė, Skėnder Gjinushi, janė propozuar emrat e disa nga gjykatėsve
mė tė njohur tė vendit. Kryesisht emrat qė kanė qarkulluar mė shumė kanė
qenė ata tė anėtarėve apo ish-anėtarėve tė Gjykatės Kushtetuese. Nė kėtė
aspekt janė hedhur nė diskutim si kandidatura tė mundshme pėr postin e
Presidentit tė Republikės, kreu aktual i Gjykatės Kushtetuese, Vladimir
Kristo, anėtari i kėtij institucioni, Xhezair Zaganjori, anėtari tjetėr,
Sokol Sadushi, por edhe ish-anėtarja e Kushtetueses, Tefta Zaka.
http://www.gazeta-shqip.com/artikull.php?id=22166
Si lulėzoi epidemia e fajdeve nė Monarkinė e Zogut
Gjatė periudhės sė Monar
kisė sė Zogut, apo mė sak
tė diku aty nga viti 1935-
1936, kur ekonomia shqiptare po
bėnte hapa pėrpara dhe vendi po
ecte me ritme tė shpejta zhvillimi,
gjė e cila kushtėzohej edhe nga
legjislacioni tepėr modern e mjaft
i pėrparuar pėr kohėn, prej sė cilit
rridhnin edhe njė sėrė marrėveshjesh
ekonomike tė tregtisė
sė ndėrsjellėt tė Shqipėrisė me
Italinė dhe disa vende tė tjera,
tamam nė atė kohė u pėrhap me
njė shpejtėsi marramendėse njė
fenomen, apo mė mirė tė themi njė
epidemi tepėr negative: fajdetė.
Nga dėshira pėr tu pasuruar sa mė
shpejt, mjaft tregtarė, pronarė shtėpish,
dyqanesh apo fabrikash, si
dhe njerėz tė thjeshtė, morėn para
me fajde, duke nėnshkruar kontrata
noteriale, ku premtonin se do
ti lanin ato me interesa mjaft tė
larta shlyerjeje. Por pjesa mė e
madhe e tyre nuk mundi ti shlyejė
dot kurrė ato para dhe kėshtu qė
u detyruan tu kthenin fajdexhinjve
pronat, shtėpitė, dyqanet, fabrikat
e punishtet tė cilat i kishin
lėnė peng nė hipoteka. Ky fenomen,
pra epidemia e fajdeve, qė nė
atė kohė pati njė impakt tepėr
negativ nė ekonominė shqiptare,
pėrveē dhimbjes sė madhe qė shkaktoi
te shumė familje shqiptare
qė humbėn tė gjitha kursimet dhe
pronat e tyre, duke ua lėnė ato fajdexhinjve,
shkaktoi edhe njė tronditje
tė fortė nė klasėn politike tė
asaj kohe. Njė nga kritikuesit mė
tė mėdhenj tė asaj epidemie ishte
shtypi i kohės, ku mjaft gazeta pėrcollėn
nė faqet e tyre reagimet e
njerėzve tė thjeshtė, gjė e cila e
detyroi klasėn politike tė asaj kohe
dhe Parlamentin qė tė merrnin nė
shqyrtim idenė e njė moratoriumi,
ku tė ndalohej me ligj dhėnia e
parave me fajde. Pėr tė gjitha kėto,
nė shkrimin e mėposhtėm po publikojmė
disa nga artikujt e shtypit
tė asaj kohe, ku gazetarė tė guximshėm,
pėrveē analizave tė shumta
tė problemit tė fajdeve, kanė denoncuar
me fakte, shifra dhe argumente
edhe emrat e fajdexhinjve
qė po rripnin popullin e thjeshtė,
duke iu bashkangjitur atyre edhe
njė listė tė gjatė me emrat e viktimave
tė atij fenomeni negativ qė
shpėrtheu e lulėzoi me njė shpejtėsi
marramendėse nė vitet e
Monarkisė sė Zogut. Kėto shkrime
po i publikojmė duke mos iu bėrė
asnjė ndryshim dhe me gjuhėn
letrare tė asaj periudhe kur janė
shkruar.
Gazeta "ARBNIA": Si i
konsideron Amerika
fajdexhinjtė
Nė Amerikė, njerėzit qė janė
me pengime nė shoqėrinė njerėzore,
hajdutėt dhe kriminelėt, u
kanė vėnė nga njė numėr. Fjala
vjen, njė hajdut i quajtur Deliger,
nuk quhet mė me emrin e tij. I kanė
vėnė njė emėr: "Armiku i popullit
Nr. 1". Domethėnė, amerikanėt e
gjejnė si njė krim tė madh tė pėrmendėsh
emrin e njė hajduti dhe
nė vend qė tė thonė hajduti ose
grabitėsi Delinger, thonė "Armiku
i popullit Nr.1". Natyrisht, ky
Delinger ėshtė njė kriminel dhe
me ēdo tė drejtė amerikanėt e deklaruan
"armik tė popullit". Ēka
bėrė ky? Ka zėnė njė pasanik dhe i
ka grabitur paratė, domethėnė
disa nga paratė, dhe pasaniku
edhe pas grabitjes ende vazhdon
tė jetė pasanik dhe rron nė kėtė
botė pėr bukuri. Por, nėse ata,
Delinger e shokė, u karakterizuan
ashtu, si duhen karakterizuar fajdexhinjtė
tanė? E thamė
Delingeri i grabiti njė pasaniku
disa tė holla, por pasaniku mund
tė jetojė. Fajdexhinjtė tanė, grabisin
popullin hallexhi, i marrin
edhe pasunin edhe lekun e fundit
edhe nderin e tij, e ēveshin dhe
e bėjnė njė tė vdekur tė gjallė, dhe
jo vetėm njė person, por tė gjithė
familjen e borxhliut, dhe ata tė
vegjlit qė nuk kanė asnjė faj...Pra
si duhet ti emėrojmė kėta? "Armiq
tė Popullit?" Dhe do ti vėmė nga
njė numėr, tamam sikundėr bėjnė
nė Amerikė pėr hajdutėt, grabitėsit,
kriminelėt. Pra fajdexhiu i
famshėm qysh sot do tė pėrmendet
si "armiku i popullit Nr.1" (Jeni
tė lirė ta pranoni ose jo kėtė vendim
tonin).
Tragjedi nė heshtje
Duhet tė jetė shumė i fortė njeriu
qė do tė guxojė tė hyjė nė vuajtjet
e kėtij populli. Do tė kuptojė
atje, tragjedia qė as fantazija nuk
mund ti kapė. Dhe sa tragjedia tė
kėtilla janė zhvilluar, nė kllasėn e
madhe tė popullit, nė hallexhinjtė.
Dhe kėto tragjedia zhvillohen nė
heshtje, nė heshtje tė plotė dhe
prandaj janė mė tė prekshme. Ēdo
zemėr preket pėrpara kėtyre
tragjedirave dhe vetėm zėmra e
gurtė e armiqve tė popullit mbetet
indiferente. Neroni kur shihte
se viktimat e tij copėtoheshin prej
egėrsirave, qeshte dhe pinte e dėfrente,
e gėrthiste: "Gjak, mė tepėr
gjak". Neronėt tonė, fajdexhinjtė,
armiqtė e popullit, kur shofin viktimat
e tyre, hallexjintė qė i kanė
vrarė pėr vdekje dhe i detyrojnė qė
tė rrojnė kėshtu tė vdekur, gėrthasin:
"Para, mė shumė para!" Dhe
qeshin dhe dėfrejnė...Shpirti i
tyre...Po skanė shpirt. Ia kanė shitur
shejtanit shpirtin e tyre.
Jorgji Hobdari, para
me fajde pėr fabrikėn
e sapunit
(Njė ngjarje fantastike) Po njė
ngjarje fantastike, pse nuk na
mbushte mėndja se mund tė ket
ngjarė me tė vėrtetė. A mund tė
ekzistojnė nė kėtė tokė, e cila ka
njė famė pėr burrat e ndershėm qė
ka pjellė, a mund tė ekzistojnė
njerėz aq tė pashpirt? Mė 1931, ishte
koha e bollėkut dhe tė lėvizjes
sė madhe tregtare, Jorgji Hobdari,
kimist i mbaruar, dhe specialist nė
fabrikimin e sapunit, konstatoi se
njė fabrikė sapuni do tė punonte
mirė kėtu, duke i siguruar vetes sė
tij njė rrojte tė mirė dhe vendit pėrparim.
Skishte kapitalet e
nevojshme, nė tė holla, por kishte
pasuni. Kishte njė shtėpi ku ėshtė
Banka Kombėtare, e cila vlen mė
tepėr se 2500 napolona. I duheshin
pėr instalimin e fabrikės 900
napolona. Bėri hesapet e tij dhe
pėrfundoi se i dilte hesapi sikur
kėto tė holla ti merrte me fajde.
Shkoi kėtej shkoi andej dhe sė fundi
gjeti tre njerėz: Guljelm Luka,
Gjon Raskun dhe Krajan. Ata i jepnin
tė 900 napolonat dhe pėr dy
vjet tė paguante 1250. Si e kishte
bėrė hesapin? Ja se si: 900 napolona
pėr 18 %, pėr njė vit, bėhen 1062
dhe kėto pėr 18 %, pėr njė vit tjetėr
bėhen 1253. I falin 3 napolona dhe
mbeten 1250. Domethėnė i
muarėn fajde edhe mbi fajdenė.
Shumė e madhe pėr njė industri
kjo fajde. Por koha e bollėkut,
dėshira pėr tė krijuar, pėr tė pėrparuar,
e verboi Jorgjin tė pranojė
dhe akti u firmos. Jorgji mori tė
hollat dhe bėri fabrikėn. Erdh
1932-ja, viti fatal pėr gjithė botėn.
Ay skish filluar mirė qė tė punonte.
Kriza qė u ēfaq atė vit tronditi
kollosa ekonomike. Jorgji Hobdari
nuk parashikoi kėtė krizėn, pse,
kush e parashikonte? Punėt nuk i
vanė mbarė dhe erdhi fund i afatit,
i cili e gjeti pa asnjė lek!
Kreditorėt i kėrkojnė
paratė Hobdarit
(Dhe iu vėrsulėn shtėpisė si
sorrat kufomės). Shkoi nė kreditorėt
dhe iu tha: Puna nuk mė eci,
mė akordoni edhe njė afat tjetėr.
Tė hollat nuk i humbisni, pse keni
shtėpinė qė vlen mė se 2.500
napolona, nga ana tjetėr do tė
marrė paradhėnje nga Banka 400
napolona dhe kėshtu pėr dy vjet
mund tė lahemi. Ata spranuan.
Kėrkonin qė tė gjitha tė hollat. Si tė
pranonin? U vinte rasti tė merrnin
njė shtėpi 2.500 napoljonash pėr
900. Shpejt formalitetet dhe iu
vėrsulėn shtėpisė si sorrat kufomės.
(Dhe Banka shpirtmirė) I shkreti
Hobdari, lutet, vrapon andej,
vrapon kėtej. Asnjeri si bėn derman.
Pėr njė ēast pėrfytyron lumturin
e tij dhe tė familjes sė tij tė
fluturojė, ti ndahet pėrgjithmonė,
hutohet, i
humbet...Kreditorėt sdėgjonin
kurgjė! Shkoi te Drejtori i Bankės:
"Aman tė ulė qeranė", shpėtomė,
nam njė paradhėnje pėr 6 vjet, qė
tė shpėtojė shtėpinė, nderin dhe
jetėn e familjes, kam 5 veta, tė vegjėl,
tė pazotė pėr punė...Dhe
Banka...Eh, Banka! Mund ta shpėtonte
nga duart e kreditorėve tė tij
lakmonjės, por se bėri. "Banka
nuk ėshtė Institut bamirėsije"...Me
shumė lutje, me shumė pėrpjekje,
pranoi Banka Kombėtare ti japė
paradhėnje 400 napolona! Kreditorėt
i konfiskuan kėto tė holla dhe
vazhduan formalitetet e sekuestrimeve.
Hobdari ska para, u
jep shtėpinė
kreditorėve tė tij
(Dhe fillojnė grabitjet ligjore).
Erdhi puna nė caktimin e vleftės
sė pronės. Sipas ligjės njė pronė
nuk shitet po mos tė realizojė Ā¾ e
vleftės sė saj. Njė tė katėrtėn, ligja
ja fal fajdexhiut! Ekspertėt me
shumė pėrpjekje dhe beriqaversėn,
se iu gjet njė burrė i
ndershėm dhe i ndėrgjegjshėm,
Ingj. Pashollari, e ēmuan pėr 2000
napolona. Hobdari i shkret e
kundėrshton ekspertimin me
shpresė qė tė fitonte pak kohė,
kushedi mund tė gjendesh njė
udhė shpėtimi. Dhe me kundėrshtmin
e Hobdarit, bėhet njė ekspertim
tjetėr dhe vlefta caktohet
1.700 napolona. Tashti duke pėrjashtruar
Ā¼ e vleftės, mbeten 1.275
napolona, tė cilėt kishin tė drejtė
nga ana ligjore qė tė ofronin kreditorėt
dhe ta marrin shtėpinė,
domethėnė pėr sa kishin aktin.
Dhe kėshtu u bė dhe u bėnė zotur
tė shtėpisė me ligjė!...Dhe pasi u
bėnė zotėr, inkasuan edhe 400
napoljonat qė kishin konfiskuar.
Pse ishin paradhėnje qiraja dhe
kishin tė drejtėn ligjore qė ti merrnin.
(Hesapi rrumbullak). Dhe
tashti le tė bėjmė hesapin. ZZ.
Guljelm Luka, Gjon Rasku dhe
Kraja, dhanė 900 napolona. Krye
dy vjetėsh muarrėn 400 napolona.
Mbetėn 500 napolona. Aqė ju
kushton shtėpia e Jorgj Hobdarit.
Njė shtėpi qė sot shitet kollaj pėr
2.500 napolona, pse merr 200
napolona nė vit qira tė parapaguar.
(Dhe tashti). Eh, tashti...Shkoni
nė fund tė rrugės Nana Mbretneshė?
Atje, njė njeri qė dallohesh
nė shoqėrinė e Tiranės si i matur,
si nikoqir, si intelektual, nė njė odė
tė ngushtė, ka mbledhur copacopa
familjen e tij e gėnjen me
shpresa se nuk ka humbur gjithēkanė.
Dhe shpreson i ngrati? Ēfarė?
Ta mėshirojnė ata qė i grabitėn
lumturinė pėr 500 napoljona?
Shpresė e kotė, ata nuk janė..."Po
z. Hobdari, i thamė kur mbaroi
bashkėfjalimin, shteti do tju ndihmojė,
mos kini merak. Edhe shtypi
akoma. Dhe viktima e fajdexhiut,
na puthi!...Nė ke zemėr fol,
se nuk duhet moratorium, se nuk
duhen masa drakoniane!
Metoda e re e
fajdexhinjve: hua me
pakt-riblerjeje
(Fajdexhinjtė, njerėzit qė i kanė
shitur shpirtin e tyre shejtanit.
Pare dhe vetėm pare-Ēvuan
borxhliu). Fajdexhinjtė kishin frikė
tė jipnin me iphotekė ose kambial,
jo se kishin frikė se mos humbisnin
tė hollat e tyre, pse moratorium
nuk do me thėnė shtyemja e
borxhit, por sepse donin tė mos
humbisnin rastin e fajdesė sė
madhe. Dhe kėshtu na dolli nė
shesh "shitja me pakt ri-blemjeje"
Do para? Do mė shesėsh shtėpin
pėr shumėn e tė hollave qė tė jap
hua, me konditė qė pas njė viti tė
kesh tė drejtė qė tė marrėsh prapė
duke mė paguar paratė qė sot
merr, natyrisht tė shtuara me fajdenė
nga 35 deri mė 120 %. Tė
kėtilla akte sipas informatave qė
kemi janė bėrė: Viti 1932 fr. ari
400.000, viti 1933 fr. ari 200.000, viti
1934 fr. ari 300.000, viti 1935 fr. ari
130.000. Pėrgjithėsisht llogaritet
se gjatė kėtyre vjetėve janė shitur
400 prona.
Grumbullimi i pasurive
nga fajdexhinjtė
Kėto shuma qė pėrmėndėm
mė nalt janė vetėm nė Tiranė, le
se ēngjan nė Durrės, Vlorė dhe
Korēė. Dhe sikur kėto prona tė
kishin shkuar tė ndarė ndėr propietarė
tė shumtė, nuk do tė kishte
aq rėndėsi, por kėtu nė Tiranė kanė
shkuar nė duart e dy apo tri njerėzvet,
dhe nėse do tė postonte tė
themi 100 napolona, ka shkuar 30
napolona. Kėshtu u grumbullua,
veē parasė, edhe pasurina nė duart
e fajdexhinjve, dy tre persona
tė cilėt sot, i kanė edhe paratė qė
kishin, edhe pronat, kurse nga na
tjatėr pronarėt i humbėn pronat
pa pėrfituar nga vlefta e tyre, pse
edhe ata paratė qė muarrėn, ja
kthyen kreditorėev me dy herė nė
formė fajde.
800.000 fr. ari, hua me
kambiale
Veē shumave qė u pėrmėndėn
mė sipėr, janė edhe huanat nė
bazė kambialesh. Kemi konstatuar
se plaka e mėhallės qė kishte 5
napolona, i ka vendosur me kambial.
Kambjali ndėr ne nuk mbeti
njė efekt tregtije pėr lehtėsimin e
marrėdhėnieve tregtare, por u bė
efekt huaje dhe kėto tė holla qė
jepen me kambiale, kostojnė
shumė, kostojnė 150 fr. ari pėr
napolonė nė muaj, qė do tė thotė
90 %. Dhe kemi parė njė kambial
qė thotė se ...X-i ka marrė prej njė
plake 300 fr. ari nė...mall tregtije.
Shumat qė janė dhėnė me kambial
me gjithė kredinat e Bankės arrijnė,
nė bazė tė njė llogarije mesatare,
nė 800.000 fr. ari.
Cilėt janė
fajdexhinjtė?
Nė bazė tė njė studimi qė kemi
bėrė, kapitali qė jepet me kambial
pėr ēdo vit, arrin nė qindra mijėra
franga ari. Pjesėn mė tė madhe tė
fajdeve, rreth 60% e ka Banka Kombėtare
sė bashku me z. Petro
Danicka e tė tjerė, 25% nėpunės,
oficerė, zyrtarė dhe 15% plakat
dhe tregtarėt. (Banka Kombėtare)
Dhe tashti le tė marrim njė nga fajdexhinjtė
dhe, nė bazė tė fakteve,
tia paraqesim publikut. Natyrisht
duhesh tė fillonim nga Banka.
Pse Banka ka dhėnė mjaft pare,
me fajde, siē thonė tiranasit, ose ka
akorduar kredira siē thotė ajo. Por
do tė na premtohet tė mos bėjmė
shumė fjalė pėr tė vetmen Bankėn
tonė, jo nga frika pse do tė na thotė
se...nuk jemin klientė tė saj, as pse
nuk ėshtė njė vero (i vėrtetė), fajdexhi,
por sepse fundi i fundit, fajdenė
e merr me marifet dhe, ėshtė
e vėrtetė se nuk thotė as faleminderit,
po tė paktėn ka edhe pak
shpirt dhe nuk jep tė holla drejt pėr
drejt me 16 %, por me 9 e 12 %, tė
cilat me komisione dhe shpenzime
arrijnė nė 16 %. Tashti jashtė
qarkullojnė shumė fjalė dhe
mund tė jenė edhe disa nga kėto
tė vėrteta, por neve hė pėr hė do
ta lėmė tė qetė, se kemi gjėra mė
tė bukura.
Pse nuk ndėrhyn
Kryeministri dhe
ministri i Ekonomisė?
(Njė propozim pėr ministrat
kompetentė) Nuk dijmė nė se kėto
i dinė Ministri i Ekonomisė Kombėtare
dhe Kryeministri si zav.
Ministėr i Drejtėsisė, po nė mos i
dijnė, le ti marrin vesh tashti. Le
tė marrin parasysh kėto zbulimet
tona dhe tė ngarkojnė njė
nėpunės pėr vėrtetimin e kėtyre,
natyrisht jo sekretarin e pėrgjithshėm
tė Ministrisė, se zotėrija e tij,
ka shumė punė, siē do ta zbulojm
mė poshtė, dhe pastaj nė se ua
mban shpirti, le tė mos bėjnė njė
moratorium. Por, bile me njė nen,
qė tė urdhėrojnė rikqyrjen e... grabitjeve
qė janė bėrė...
Petro Dancika, fajdexhiu i famshėm qė u mori shtėpitė tiranasve
Pas shumė shkrimeve tė gazetės "ARBNIA", lidhur me
problemin e fajdeve, ajo publikoi edhe fajdexhiun kryesor
tė Tiranės, si dhe njė listė tė gjatė tė tregtarėve dhe pronarėve
tiranas qė humbėn pasuritė e tyre nė fajde. Nė atė
shkrim, midis tė tjerash thuhej: "Me rrogė, sbėhet njeriu
pasanik", thonė andej nga juga. Kjo nuk ėshtė aspak e
vėrtetė. Njeriu po tė jetė i matur dhe punėtor, i ndershėm
dhe nikoqir, mund tė fitojė para dhe tė bėhet i pasur. Shėmbėll
i gjallė ėshtė kavaljeri z. Petro Dancika. Zotėrija e tij mė
1915, siē thonė ata qė dijnė, kishte mbetur nė pikė tė hallit.
Edhe shtėpitė e tij akoma ishin djegur. Me ndihmėn e Zotit,
si njeri punėtor dhe i matur, zuri prapė njė legatė, u bė dhe
kavalier dhe me rrogėn e tij bėri njė pasuri kolosale dhe sot
ka ma tepėr se 10.000 napoljona ari me fajde dhe kushedi
se sa shtėpira kėtu nė Tiranė, veē tė hollave qė ka vet i zoti,
tė cilat nuk mund ti dijmė, pse "Paratė dhe Gjynahet,
vetėm, i zoti i di", thotė njė proverb, ndonėse njė proverb
tjetėr thotė se "Pasurija dhe Bukurija nuk fshihen". Ky zoti
kavalier, ndonjė llotari nuk ka fituar as ndonjė qyp me flori
nuk ka gjetur dhe gjysėm milioni franga ari qė mund tė ketė
sot, i ka fituar me djersėn e ballit dhe zotėsinė e tij. Tashti,
nė se, brenda 10-15 vjetėsh, sado qė tė djersijė njeriu, mund
tė fitojė aspo jo gjysėm milion, ky ėshtė njė hesap tjetėr. (Ku,
njeriu e humb toruan) Z. Petro Dancika, si personalisht ashtu
dhe me anėn e gruas sė tij, zonjės
Uranije, ka ndihmuar pa masė
hallexhinjtė shqiptarė dhe tė hollat
e tij i ka shpėrndarė nė kėtė mėnyrė:
(Me anėn e zonjės Uranije) a). Me ipotekė:
53.575 fr. ari b). Shitje pakt-riblemje:
26.000 fr. ari. Shuma 79.575
fr. ari. (vet ay). Me shitjen e 106.800
fr. ari, domethnė gjithsej fr. ari
186.435. Ka marrė kėto shtėpira, disa
prej tė cilave mund ti ketė shitur
pėrsėri: Nė lagjen Ali Bej: tė Mustafa
Seferit, pėr 3.000 fr. ari, Qamile Balvera,
etj. Pėr 4.000 fr. ari, Daut Prezės
2.000 fr. ari, 3 shtėpitė e Tokli Manastirliut
pėr 24.300 fr. ari, 4 shtėpitė e
Meremesė Kazazi pėr 6.000 fr. ari, Osman Muēos pėr 2.000
fr. ari, Faik Zepishtas pėr 2.300 fr. ari. Nė lagjen Ismail Efendi:
Daut e Ismail Peza pėr 7.000 fr. ari, Myrteza Gjaras pėr
2.000 fr. ari, 4 shtėpi tė Arif Cukas pėr 16.000 fr. ari, dy shtėpi
tė Xhafer Keta-s pėr 2.150 fr. ari, Dylber Kazazit etj, pėr 2.000
fr. ari, Hamdi Muēos pėr 4.000 fr. ari, Xhemal Reēit pėr 1955
fr. ari, Mahmut Kėllezit 1 shtėpi, furrė, 2 dyqane pėr 6.900 fr.
ari, Shefqet e Halit Peshkopisė pėr 4.000 fr. ari. Nė lagjen
Sulejman Pasha: Daut Barkaneshit pėr 2.000 fr. ari, Ramiz
Qyrlajt pėr 6.900 fr. ari, Hajrie Reēit pėr 1.200 fr. ari, Enver
Toptanit 1 trull me 2 dyqane pėr 5.450 fr. ari. Nė lagjen e re:
Ismajl Bylykut pėr 6.000 fr. ari, Hamdi Dashit 2 shtėpi pėr
4.000 fr. ari, Qazim Hitajt pėr 2.000 fr. ari, Sulejman Troplinit
pėr 2.000 fr. ari. Nė lagjen Abdulla bej: Jahja Dibrės pėr 6.000
fr. ari, Hafiz Gogoljės pėr 2.000 fr. ari, Abdullah Zajės pėr 600
fr. ari, Ymer Veliut pėr 4.000 fr. ari. Nė lagjen Xhami: Osman
Paturit 2 shtėpi pėr 7.000 fr. ari. Xhafer Zelkės pėr 2.000 fr.
ari, Mahmut Hasnajt pėr 4.000 fr. ari, Rexhep Tivarit pėr
2.000 fr. ari, Mustafa Seferi pėr 805 fr. ari. Nė Treg: dy dyqane
tė Mehmet Shehrit pėr 2.000 fr. ari dhe njė dyqan tė Beqir
Pazarit karshi Gjymnazit pėr 2.000 fr. ari. Patėm durimin qė
t;i vizitojmė, pothuaj qė tė gjitha kėto shtėpira. Dhe kemi
konstatuar se njė shtėpi qė sot me gjithė ēvleftėsimin e
mallit, ka njė vleftė prej 10.000 fr. ari dhe qė ka kostuar kur
u bė 15.000 fr. ari, Zoti kavalier e ka marrė pėr 2.000 fr. ari!
Dhe tashti qė po shkruajmė kėto rradhė, mė tha njė se shtėpinė
e Mustafa Ali Seferit m,e 2 oda, akēihane, oborr etj,
nė Kodrėn e Kuqe, e ka marrė pėr 640 fr. ari. Ēdreq e prej
karte tishte kjo shtėpi, do tė vlente pak mė tepėr..."
Si ranė tregtarėt dhe pronarėt nė dorėn e fajdexhinjve
Nė vazhdėn e shkrimeve qė ndėrmori sh
typi i kohės pėr problemin e fajdeve
gjatė viteve tė Monarkisė sė Zogut, nė mjaft
gazeta pati edhe analiza ku gazetarė tė ndryshėm
rrekeshin tė shpjegonin arsyet se si u
pėrhap epidemia e fajdeve dhe si ranė pre e
saj shumė tregtarė dhe pronarė jo vetėm nga
Tirana, por edhe nga disa qytete tė tjera tė
vendit. Lidhur me kėtė, nė njė artikull editorial
tė saj, gazeta "ARBNIA" e vitit 1936, midis
tė tjerash shkruante: "Ishte koha e bollėkut
dhe e kėrkesės sė madhe. Bota kėrkonte me
shumicė edhe gjėra tė reja. Tregtari duhesh
ta zgjeronte fushėn e aktivitetit tė tij, por si i
matur prej natyre dhe pse i mungonte kapitali,
ecte me hapa tė ngadalshme. Ardhi Banka
Kombėtare. Ajo kish ēdo interes qė tė
zgjerohej tregtia dhe menjėhere filloi qė ti
shpėrndajė tregtarėve tė holla. Nė fillim
tregtari refuzonte ndihmėn, por pastaj duke
parė komshiun e tij, i cili kishte marrė pare
nga Banka dhe fitonte shumė, mori dhe ay.
Pėr pak kohė qė tė gjithė tregtarėt krijuan llogarina
me Bankėn dhe gjer sa ishte koha e
bollėkut, tė gjithė ishin nė rregull. Tregtari
mirrte tė holla dhe akordonte kredina nė
klientėt e tij. Vinte koha, inkasonte nga klienti
i tij dhe paguante Bankėn. Mirpo erdhi dhe
koha e lopėve tė dobėta. Shitja u pakėsua
dhe malli ngeli nė raft i pashitur. Klienti
skishte me se ta paguante tregtarin. Afati pėr
tė paguar tregtari Bankėn erdhi dhe nė ēekmexhenė
e tregtarit sgjendesh njė lek. Banka
spriste. O paratė, o protesto, sekuestrim,
shitja nė mėzat tė mallit, ēnderim i tregtarit
shqiptar, i cili ballin e donte tė bardhė. -Aman
mė jep 20 napolona hua dhe pėr njė muaj tė
kthej 21 i tha fqiut qė dinte se kishte para dhe
fėt njė kambial. Shpėtoi nga Banka, por u fut
nė komshiun qė kishte para. Erdhi muaji dhe
tregtari donte tė paguante fqiun, i mungonin
10 napoljona pėr tė larė borxhin dhe 20
pėr tė paguar qiranė e shtrenjtė, taksat e rėnda
dhe tė tjera qė skanė mbarim. Ish koha e
bollėkut dhe pėr njė shtėpi me dy dhoma,
paguhej 5 napoljona nė muaj qera. Dhe
sgjeje dot. Pronari Tiranas qė kishte ca tokė,
kėrkoi tė holla me fajde dhe mor me 25 %. Bėri
shtėpi tė madhe, e cila i kushtoi pėrmbi njėmijė
napolona. Kėto tė holla i kishte marrė nė
njė afat tre katėr vjetėsh. Nė vitin e parė
mundi qė tė pagunate kamatėn, shtėpinė e
kishte vendosur nė njerėz tė mirė dhe mirrte
njė qira tė mirė. Qiraja zuri tė ulet. Tė huajt
filluan tė ikin. Koha e krizės filloi. Erdhi afati
i pagesės dhe kishte vetėm 500 napolona.
Kreditori spranonte gjė: O paratė o protesto,
mezat dhe tė tjera...Me zi e bindi qė tė pranonte
tė 500-tat dhe pėr kusurin i bėri njė akt
tjetėr, por jo pėr 500 napolona qė mbeti, por
pėr 850 napolona tė paguarshme pas dy
vjetėsh duke vėrė dhe faizin (kamatėn) brenda,
35 % nė vit?"
Partia "Lėvizja e Legalitetit"
Bulevardi "Zog I", Tiranė.
legaliteti@gmail.com
Tel&Fax: +355 4 230076
Spahiu : Qėndrimet dhe formulimet konceptuale dhe ideologjike tė z.
Xhaferri, qė shkallmuan tė gjitha orvatjet e ish komunistėve tė djeshėm
internacionalistė kundėr ideologjisė sonė kombėtare.
Strugė mė, 30 qershor 2007
Fjala pėrshėndetėse e kryetarit tė PLL Ekrem Spahiu nė Kongresin e IV tė Partisė Demokratike Shqiptare nė Maqedoni
Kam nderin dhe kėnaqėsinė e veēantė tė marr pjesė si i ftuar nė kongresin tuaj, dhe nė emėr tė legalistėve shqiptarė t'u sjell juve, pėrfaqėsuesve mė tė lartė politikė tė Partisė Demokratike Shqiptare nė Maqedoni, pėrshėndetjet mė tė pėrzemėrta pėr arritjet e deritanishme dhe njėkohsisht t'u urojė suksese nė kongresin dhe sipėrmarrjen tuaj fisnike dhe atdhetare.
Nė kushtet e reja dhe ndėr mė tė favorshmet qė po kalon populli dhe kombi shqiptar nė tė gjithė hapėsirėn shqiptare nė Ballkan, unė jam i bindur se ky kongres do tė bėjė bilancin e arritjeve pozitive tė partisė suaj dhe do tė pėrcaktojė objektiva tė reja politiko-qeverisėse nė dobi tė shqiptarėve, pėr konsolidimin e pozitave tė tyre si faktor i rėndėsishėm politk dhe garant i stabilitetit tė shtetit tė Maqedonisė.
Gjithashtu jam i bindur se, ky kongres do tė formulojė qėndrime dhe objektiva tė reja madhore nė ndihmė tė konsolidimit tė mbarė faktorit shqiptar nė Ballkan, nė pėrputhje me aspiratat e bashkatdhetarėve tanė kudo qė ndodhen dhe me ideologjinė tonė kombėtare tė shqiptarizmės, tė formuluar nga Rilindja jonė kombėtare dhe tė formėsuar e jetėsuar nė krijimin e shtetit shqiptar me Mbretin Zog i Parė,pėr tė vazhduar deri nė ditėt e sotme
Me kėtė rast, mė lejoni tė dashur vėllezėr, tė shpreh urimet dhe falėnderimet mė tė ngrohta pėr kontributin madhor tė tė shquarit z. Arbėn Xhaferri, nė artikulimin e pėrkryer dhe pėrqasjen e shkėlqyer nė kohė tė synimit politikė tė shqiptarėve drejt bashkimit kombėtar.
Nė kushtet e trysnisė sė ashpėr tė teorive integruese dhe globaliste, ishin pikėrisht qėndrimet dhe formulimet konceptuale dhe ideologjike tė z. Xhaferri, qė shkallmuan tė gjitha orvatjet e ish komunistėve tė djeshėm internacionalistė kundėr ideologjisė sonė kombėtare, tė cilėt, me anė tė pseudoakuzave pėr anakronizėm dhe se gjoja shqiptarizma po i shkon ndesh proceseve integruese, kėrkonin tė thonin se po i lėmė shqiptarėt pa aleatė strategjikė.
Pėrkundrejt kėryre pseudoakuzave, vizita e Presidentit Bush nė Tiranė dhe deklarimet e tij per Kosovėn, bėri tė qartė pėr tė gjithė se SHBA janė miku dhe aleati ynė strategjik tė cilėt janė tė angazhur drejtpėrdrejt nė mbrojtjen e ēėshtjes shqiptare nė Ballkan.
Mė lejoni me kėtė rast tė shpreh bindjen time tė thellė se ishte pikėrisht PDSH -ja, ajo qė formuloi politikisht, ndėrkombėtarizoi dhe kurorėzoi me sukses objektivat e afirmimit tė faktorit shqiptar nė Maqedoni, si garant i stabilitetit politik dhe qeverisės tė saj, objektiva kėto qė u pėrfshinė nė Marrėveshjen e Ohrit, qė ishte formėsimi mė i suksesshėm i aspiratave tė shqiptarėve pėr Maqedoni dhe baza e avancimit tė ēėshtjes sė shqiptarėve pėr tė ardhmen e tyre.
Qėndrimi dhe vizioni i partisė suaj, si dhe vetėpėrmbajtja e shqiptarėve nėn ndikimin tuaj, ishin shembulli dhe modeli mė i mirė pėr shembjen e akuzave antishqiptare tė armiqve tanė historikė dhe aleatėve tė tyre se gjoja shqiptarėt janė faktor destruktiv dhe destabilizues i paqes dhe proceseve integruese nė rajon.
Nė kėto bindje dhe qėndrime tė palėkundura pėr sa mė sipėr, ne legalistėt, pėrveēse nga ju vėllezėrit tanė, frymėzohemi edhe nga qėndrimet konsekuente tė Mbretit Leka, i cili ju mban gjithnjė nė zemėr, mendje dhe gojė pėr kontributet dhe sakrificat tuaja, pėr tė cilat z.Arbėn Xhaferri dhe z.Mendu Thaēi, si miq tė shtrenjtė tė Mbretit Leka, janė dėshmitarėt mė tė besueshėm.
Me kėtė rast, mė lejoni tė dashur vėllezėr qė nė emėr tė Partisė 'Lėvizja e Legalitetit" tė shpreh besimin e plotė, se ky kongres do tė shėnojė arritje tė reja nė punėn tuaj dhe do tė kurorėzohet me sukses me zgjedhjen cilėsore tė forumeve tė reja drejtuese tė PDSH.
Rroftė kombi shqiptar!
Ju faleminderit!
Mise ą jour 29.06.2007 16h25 |
L'Albanie envoie des troupes en Afghanistan
|
L'Albanie a envoyé jeudi un nouveau contingent de 110 militaires
en Afghanistan pour participer ą la mission de l'ISAF conduite par
l'OTAN sur le terrain et cette décision répond ą la demande de
l'OTAN d'une présence militaire accrue dans ce pays asiatique. Source: xinhua |
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